








»iw: 




?Pk- 






;;««:;:' 






3^»y^,'j 



^;>;.)i;;. 



i'V!:.^*'- 













■?iw/ 







'^'^'-:^^ 






s.^^ '^^ 



.0 0. 






%^ ^ « ,v 



■ 0^ 



,- N & ^, 



-r ^ f^s^^ 



.H 



^' 







.^^'■■^ 









oo' 



A- 



* .. 



-Jy- 



^.^^• 
.^^ -^V' 
















-4 



r N 







%■ ,#' .'. 



FOREIGN NOTICES 

Of Grund^s Work on the Moral, Social and Political 
Relations of the Jlmericans. 



" This is a work of much matter, the result of a long residence in 
the country, and a careful observation of its moral and social habits. 
Mr. Grund has applied German intelligence to the investigation of 
America ; and whether the reader agrees with or differs from him in 
his arguments and conclusions, it must be admitted that he has applied 
his mind vigorously to his subject, and stated his ground with perfect 
fairness." — Literary Gazette. 



" The author must at once be allowed an acquaintance approaching 
familiarity with the matter he handles; his thoughts on politics are lib- 
eral, just, and comprehensive; he gives the most complete and extended 
view of American character we have ever met v/ith in a single work ; 
and his style is clear and flowing." — Spectator. 



■' The Avork exhibits such an amount of ability, and is written with 
^llch a familiar knowledge of the subject, that it is entitled to a large 
-hare of consideration." — Atlas. 



" It is long since we read so satisfactory a work, upon all accounts, as 
the present. It is full of authentic information conveyed in a very 
sensible and agreeable manner. He has succeeded admirably, and no 
person will arise from the perusal of this work, without feeling that, be- 
sides gaining much useful knowledge, he has learnt more fairly to es- 
timate the nature and value of the American character." — Morning 
Chronicle, January 20th, 1837. 



" Our limits bring us to a close ; but we cannot come to that close, 
without again warmly recommending these volumes to our readers. 
Mr. Grund, the author, we add, is a German by birth ; a circumstance 
which enhances the amiable character of mediator, in which he appears 
on this occasion. Nor can we refrain from adverting, even at this 
parting moment, to the beautiful and eloquent eulogiums on Britain, 
with which his volumes are interspersed." — Scoismo.n. 

" "We shall be glad to meet with this writer again : his style is good, and 
his views will always be wxrth attention." — Examiner. 
I 



Foreign Jfotices of Grund^s Work. 

"A vindication of America and the Americans is now not wanted; 
still it is interesting- to hear the results which are derived from the ex_ 
perience of one who has not only resided in the country many years 
but who appears ex facie, by the vigorous and philosophical tone of his' 
observations, to be a competent witness; one who does not see through 
the chia.r oscuro of any pariicular description of political spectacles, 
but who can analyze fairly and impartially those political and moral 
conditions which contribute to the importance of a nation in its foreign 
relations, and are essential to its own internal and domestic happiness. 
The author of these volumes is of this class. He gives a very clear 
and energetic description of the character of the Americans, in all their 
political and social relations, analyzing, as he proceeds, the causes by 
which some of the most prominent features of their characters were 
originally developed and subsequently confirmed. All who have read 
Basil Hall, Hamilton, or amused themselves with the caricatures of 
Mrs. Trolloppe, or with the gossip of Mrs. Butler concerning America, 
should read attentively these volumes by Mr. Grund." 

London Monthly Repository. 

'•' One of the most ably written books Ave have had in our hands for a 
long time. The energy of language, strength of reasoning, and origi- 
nality of remarks, by which it is distinguished, entitles it to be ranked 
among the first literary productions of its class of the present day." 

Scotsman. 

"A valuable contribution to our knowledge of America, and an able 
illustration and defence of free institutions." — Monthly Review. 



" One of the best books that has yet been written on America ; it is,we 
believe, a faithful and certainly highly interesting description of the 
Americans : we think every person of every party ought to do the Au- 
thor and his work the justice to read the two volumes." — 3IelropoUtan 
Conservative Journal. 

"A Mr. Grund has executed the task he proposed to himself with singu- 
lar ability, and a thorough knowledge of his s\xh]Qc\.r— Dublin Evening 
Post. 

" It is written with great intelligence and vivacity, and in a thoroughly 
liberal spirit." — Examiner, July 26th, 1837. 

" It is written with much ability, and in a spirit of fairness to which 
we can scarcely point out an exception." — Court Journal. 

" One exceedingly amusing work." — Sunday Times. 

" Though eulogy is the staple commodity of the work, it is the produc- 
tion of a man of sound sense and good education, who has mixed in so- 
ciety, who thinks for himself, and who, although tender of America, is 
not afraid boldly to attack English prejudices." — Courier, Jan. 24. 



THE 



AMERICANS, 



IN THEIR 



MORAL, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL 
RELATIONS. 



BY FRANCIS J. GRUND. 



FROM THE LONDON EDITION OF LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, 
GREEN AND LONGMAN. 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 



BOSTON: 

MARSH, CAPEN AND LYON. 
1837. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by 

Francis J. Grund, 
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. 



PRipfTED BY \Ym. a. Hall & Co. — Boston. 






' PUllFAL^E 



I RESPECTFULLY siibiTiit the following work 
to the English public, not as the observa- 
tions of a tourist, but as the result of the ex- 
perience of one who has resided in America 
many years. 

I have anxiously endeavored to give an im- 
partial account of the present condition of 
the United States, and faithfully to deline- 
ate those characteristic features which dis- 
tinguish the Americans from the different 
nations of Europe. Whether I have succeed- 
ed, the public must decide ; of whom I claim 
no other indulgence than that to which I 
may be entitled from the rectitude of my in- 
tentions, and an honest desire to correct pre- 
judices — American or English — and not to 
furnish them with fresh aliment. 



10 



PREFACE. 



The Americans haye been grossly misrep- 
resented; and this not so much by ascribing 
to them spurious qualities, as by omitting all 
mention of those which entitle* therp to hon- 
or and respect, and representing the foibles 
of certain classes as weaknesses belonging 
to the nation. 

The object of this publication will be at- 
tained, if it serve to inspire the English with 
more just conceptions of American worth, and 
increase the respect and friendship of Amer- 
ica for England. 

Regent Street^ London^ Dec, 24, 1836. 



Erratum.— Page 80, line 16 from top, for " gratify," read mortify. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 

American Manners and Society. — Fashionable Coteries. 
— Dandies. — Aristocracy. — Its Composition and Pe- 
culiarities. -------13 

CHAPTER n. 

American Ladies. — Sanctity of Marriages. — Domestic 
Habits.^— Aversion to Public Amusements. — Churches. 
— Influence of the Want of a Church Establishment. 
— Keeping of the Sabbath. - . - - 31 

CHAPTER III. 

Reception of Foreigners in the United States. — The Eng- 
lish, Scotch, Irish, Germans, French, Italians, and 
Spaniards. — American Prejudices. — Their Origin. 53 

CHAPTER IV. 

American Theatres. — Tragedians. — Comic Actors. — 
American Wit. — Music. — Painting. — General Reflec- 
tions on the Arts. ------ 76 

CHAPTER V. 

American Literature. — Its Relation to the English. — 
Periodicals. — Daily Press. — City and Country Papers. 
— Their Influence on the Political Prospects of the 
Nation. 92 

CHAPTER VI. 

Progress of Education in the United States. — Common 
Schools. — American Instructers. — Low Estimation of 
American Teachers. — Colleges. — Medical and Law- 
Schools. — Theological Seminaries. — Education of the 
Clergy. — Public Libraries. - - - - 124 

CHAPTER VIL 

General Observations on Americans. — Definition of Ame- 
rican Patriotism. — The Americans as a Moral and Re- 



12 CONTENTS. 

ligious People. — Different Religious Denominations in 
America. — Unitarianism. — The Respect of the Ameri- 
cans for the Law.— Observations on the Lynch-Law. — 
Its Origin. — Temperance and other Benevolent Socie- 
ties. — National Charity. - . - - - 148 

CHAPTER VIII. 

American Industry. — Quickness of Motion. — Agriculture. 
— The West. — Character of Western Settlers. — Influ- 
ence of the Western Settlements on the Political Pros- 
pects of America. — Foreign Settlers. — Germans. — 
Irish. — Removal of the Indians. — American Servants. 
— Relationof the Rich to the Poor. - - 202 

CHAPTER IX. 

Commerce of the United States.— System of Credit.— 
American Capitalists. — Banks. — Manufactures. — Me- 
chanic Arts. — Wages and Hours of Labor. — Ingenuity 
of Americans. — Navigation. — Sailors. — The Fisheries. 
— Ship-building. ---__. 239 

CHAPTER X. 

Internal Navigation of the United States. — Railroads. — 
Canals. — FaciHties of TravelUng. — Their Influence on 
the Political Condition of the People. — Steam-boats. — 
Public and Boarding Houses. — Hospitality of Ameri- 
cans. 301 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Southern Planters.— Their Relation to the Inhabit- 
ants of the North. — Slavery. - . . _ 330 

CHAPTER XH. 

National Defence of the United States. — The Army. — 
The Navy. — The Militia. - - . . 375 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Political Prospects of America. — Universal Suflraf^e. 

State of Parties. — Relative Position of Nortii and Soutli 
America. — Of North America, w ith regard to Enghmd 
and the rest of the World. — Conclusion. - -^ 3S9 



v 



THE AMERICANS 

IN 

THEIR SOCIAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
RELATIONS. 



CHAPTER I. 

AMERICAN MANNERS AND SOCIETY. FASHIONABLE COTE- 
RIES. DANDIES. ARISTOCRACY. ITS COMPOSITION AND 

PECULIARITIES. 

There is scarcely a theme with which English readers 
are more familiar than that of American manners. From 
the grotesque sketches of Mrs. Trollope to the lofty and 
elegant conceptions of Hamilton and Basil Hall, the British 
public have been entertained with the portentous matter of 
an American drawing-room. I may, perhaps, disappoint 
my readers by not following the beaten track, so fertile in 
amusement and rare sports ; for I shall neither repeat 
the silly prating of boys and misses, (which one may hear 
in every country,) nor shall I make those who entertained 
me the subject of scorn and ridicule. — Neither shall I 
write an eulogy ; for, the truth being told, there is enough 
in the moral and social condition of Americans to inter- 
est the general reader. 

By American manners I do not mean those of the fash- 
ionable coteries, nor the peculiar customs of certain dis- 
tricts, to which the refinements of society have, as yet, 
hardly penetrated; but the general terms on which Amer- 
icans associate with each other, and with strangers. 
2 



14 COMPOSITION OF AMERICAN SOCIETY. 

Society, in America, is composed of a great number of 
heterogeneous elements, and the conventional standard, 
therefore, is less fixed than in any part ofEuro'pe. In 
the large towns it consists of persons from all parts of the 
world, with a valuable admixture of "Western," " South- 
ern," and " Eastern people ;" wdiich names denote al- 
most as many distinct varieties of the human race. Un- 
der these circumstances, an American drawing-room 
must often present anomalies, which, at first, will strike 
an educated Englishman; but which are hardly ever of- 
fensive, and may always be explained by the moral and 
political condition of the country. 

In the absence of a court, or a powerful aristocracy, 
elegant accomplishments are seldom cultivated with a 
view to ornament society ; and are rather the property of 
a few, whose good fortune it has been to move in the high- 
er circles of Europe, than a general characteristic of a po- 
lite education in America. The Americans have, with 
very few exceptions, no time to cultivate fashionable ele- 
gance, which they consider a mere ai)])endage to civiliza- 
tion ; but they are, notwithstanding, a highly sociable 
people, and, in their own way, both pleasing and instruc- 
tive. 

It has always been the fault of European writers to 
compare American manners, and especially those of the 
coteries styled " aristocratic," to the polished ease of the 
higher classes of Europe. Occasionally they have, in- 
deed, condescended to speak of merchants and manufac- 
turers, whom they have ever found equal to those of Liv- 
erpool and Manchester; but, with a forbearance which 
does credit to their ingenuity, they have not pushed the 
inquiry further, lest the superiority of the laboring class- 
es might have compensated for the inferior accomplish- 
ments of the fashionable circles, and a certain nameless 
class in Europe altogether lacked its term of com})arison 
in the United States. They seem to have been aware of 
the fact, that America is really w hat Hamilton calls the 
city of Philadelphia — mediocre jya?- excellence ; her politic- 
al institutions depriving jier of the splendor of a throne — 
the focus of polite society in Europe; but, at the same 
time, saving her from the pernicious influence of an idle 
and turbulent mob — the destruction of public morality 



AMERICAN MANNERS. 15 

and virtue. Tlie manners of Americans, therefore, are 
as far removed from the elegance of courts, as they are 
from the boorishness of the lower classes in Europe ; and, 
perhaps, equjilly free from the vices of both. The true 
manners of a people do not show themselves in the 
drawing-room — hs hommes du salon seressemhlent partout ; 
but in the common transactions of public and private 
life; and it is, therefore, neither good sense nor justice to 
select a particular class, and in a peculiar situation, for 
the term of comparison with Europe. 

In order to understand the customs and manners of 
Americans, we must trace them to their origin ; when we 
shall find that most of what is valuable and substantial in 
their character is inherited from the English ; but that, at 
the same time, many of their foibles may be traced to the 
same source, and especially those for which they are 
most censured by the English. 

I shall not here stop to apologise for my belief that the 
manners and morals of the English (and there is an inti- 
mate connection between them,) are essentially superior 
to those of the people on the Continent. There may be 
less pliableness in the address and carriage of an English- 
man ; but there is something in the composition of his 
character which is sure to command respect; there is that 
dignity which is incompatible with low cunning or con- 
ceit, and least capable of stooping to a wilful falsehood. 
This character, in all its severity, and enforced by the 
most solemn injunctions of religion, has been transplanted 
to the shores of the new world, to lay the foundation of 
what are now called American manners and morals. 
New England, of all the colonies, has had the greatest in- 
fluence on the establishment of national customs, as apart 
of her sturdy population has been always emigrating 
westward, to renew and perpetuate the principles which 
gave rise to the settlement of Plymouth. But the people 
of New England were English, and are so now, in their 
feelings and sentim.ents : to the English, therefore, must 
be attributed most of the peculiarities for which they are 
condemned, as, indeed, most of the virtues for which they 
are celebrated. 

This does not seem to have been taken sufficiently into 
consideration by any English traveller whose work hiaf 



16 ENGLISH WRITERS ON AMERICA. 

gone forth to enlighten the public. It is truly surprising 
how certain pictures of American manners could have 
contributed so much to the diversion of English readers, 
when we reflect on the fact that they were drawn from a 
class of society which has no particular claim to refine- 
ment in any country, and which, in Europe, presents the 
same mixture of vice and folly as in America, without, 
perhaps, some of its redeeming virtues. It remains to be 
explained why the fair author should have exposed herself 
to the expense and inconvenience of a long voyage, when 
she might have found sufficient matter for her book at 
home. What absurd caricatures of English manners and 
customs are not daily drawn by French and German sat- 
irists, without derogating one iota from the dignity of 
English society, of which most of them have nearly as 
correct a knowledge, from personal observation, as the 
author of " Domestic Manners" has of the better circles 
in the United States. Peculiarities and anomalies will al- 
ways exist in every country; but their number must nat- 
urally be greater in one whose boundless territory is di- 
vided into almost as many different states as there are 
counties in England. The peculiar features of a coun- 
try, the physical distinction of its soil and climate, the 
principal occupation of its inhabitants, &c., imprint each 
a distinct character on the people, which it is difficult to 
efface, even by the means of education. What difference 
does not, in this respect, exist between a North-Briton 
and an inhabitant of the Isle of Wight ; or between the 
latter and a native of Yorkshire? And how preposterous 
would not be the idea of publisliing either of these char- 
acters as correct specimens of the English ? 

Another remarkable trait of English travellers in the 
United States consists in their proneness to find the same 
faults with Americans which the people on the continent 
of Europe are apt to find with themselves. Thus, it has 
been remarked that Americans are much given to extol- 
ling the excellence of their own institutions, whether civil 
or political, and to undervalue those of foreign countries. 
This is precisely the complaint about the English, by their 
continental neighbors, the French and the Germans. If 
we were to investigate the matter, we should find the 
cause to be perfectly analogous in both countries : a cer-' 



AMERICAN PRIDE. 17 

tain satisfaction that they are themselves belonging to 
that glorious community whose achievements, in the field 
and at home, have " astonished the world." 

Some apology may, indeed, be oftered fortius patriotic 
weakness, when we reflect on the actual superiority of 
British institutions, and especially on the immense influ- 
ence they have had on the civilization and happiness of 
the human race. But all the causes of British pride are 
equally operating on Americans. They are of the same 
origin ; all the glory attached to the British name is that 
of their ancestors ; and they have themselves had an hon- 
orable share in its acquisition. Their fathers were the 
bold settlers who first transplanted British laws and Brit- 
ish genius to a new world, to perpetuate them to the end 
of time. But they have improved upon them ; they 
have opened God's temples to all his worshippers; and, 
perhaps, for the first time on earth, raised the standard 
of equal liberty and justice. They have rallied round 
this standard to wage war against the most powerful na- 
tion in Europe — and they were not conquered. A second 
time they were arrayed in battle against England, and a 
second time they proved themselves not inferior to their 
proud progenitors. Are these no causes for national van- 
ity ? And is this vanity not the highest encomium which 
they can possibly bestow on the English 1 Do not the 
English furnish the standard of American pride — the 
character to which they will not acknowledge themselves 
inferior? When did any one hear the Americans draw 
envious comparisons between themselves and other na- 
tions, save the English? And what, after all, is this pride 
or conceit but English, strengthened and improved by the 
republican institutions of America ? Is it not natural for 
men to be proud of belonging to a nation in proportion as 
they have a share in its government ? Is there, in this 
respect, no difterence between a British peer and a com- 
moner ! Is it, then, a wonder that the Americans should 
esteem others in proportion to the franchise they have ac- 
quired ; and that as born legislators they should carry 
their heads sometimes higher than is consonant Avith the 
English idea of politeness ? 

A second not less striking characteristic of American 
manners is a degree of seriousness, which, at first, might 
3* 



18 SERIOUSNESS OF AMERICANS. 

almost be taken for want of sociability. An American is, 
almost from his cradle, brought up to reflect on his condi- 
tion, and, from the time he is able to act, employed with 
the means of improving it. If he be rich, and have con- 
sequently a larger stake in the public weal, then every 
new law, every change of election (and there are many 
in the course of a year,) will make him reflect on the fu- 
ture : if he be poor, every change may offer him an op- 
portunity to improve his circumstances. He is ever 
watchful, ever on the alert, not as most Europeans, as a 
mere spectator, but as one of the actors, engaged in main- 
taining or reforming the existing state of aff'airs. Some- 
thing like it may, at times, be felt in England, and per- 
haps even in France ; but this cannot be compared to the 
eff*ects of universal suff'rage in America. 

The whole mass of the population is constantly agita- 
ted ; an expression of public opinion is constantly de- 
manded, constantly hoped for, constantly dreaded. There 
is no man so rich or powerful but can be made to quail 
under its influence ; nor any one so humble, in whom it 
may not raise hopes of success and preferment. It is an 
all-powerful organ of public justice, sparing none, from 
the president down to the most obscure citizen ; elevat- 
ing, humbling, or annihilating whatever it meets in its 
progress, if justly the object of its reproach. 

This state of incessant excitement gives to the Ameri- 
cans an air of busy inquietude, for which they have often 
been pitied by Europeans ; but which, in fact, constitutes 
their principal happiness. The Americans have no lime 
to be unhappy — and this is saying much in favor of their 
government. The duties of republicans are more ardu- 
ous than those of men living under any other form of 
government; but then their performance is pleasing and 
satisfactory ; because it is connected with consciousness 
of power. No American would exchange his task for 
the comparative peace and quiet of Europe; because, in 
the words of Franklin, "he would be unwilling to pay 
too dear for the whistle." He finds his solace and quie- 
tude at home; abroad he is "up and doing." Peace 
there would be death to him. He would not, for the world, 
exchange his political activity for the speculative inertness 
of the Germans; the glorious privilege of having himself 



RESTLESSNESS OF AMERICANS. 19 

a share in the government of his country, for the ^^ dolce 
far niente'"' of the Itahans; the busy stir of an election, 
for the idiot noise of a Vienna prado. Let those, who are 
so prodigal of their compassion for the melancholy rest- 
lessness of Americans, but remember the painful stupor 
which befel the Romans after the overthrow of the repub- 
lic, when, all at once, released from their active duties of 
citizens, they found in "tranquillity" the principal pun- 
ishment of their abandonment of virtue. 

In proportion as the liberties of a people are enlarged, 
and their franchise extended, they must necessarily be- 
come more active and serious. For an illustration we 
need only compare the character of the French, since the 
revolution of July, with that which they possessed under 
the old Bourbon dynasty, previous to the revolution of 
1789. How much gaiety and outward politeness is there 
not missing; but how much understanding and rational 
liberty gained 1 What difference is there not between 
the bufioonery of "merry England," under the reign of 
Queen Flizabeth, and the sober, demure composition of 
John Bull since the acquisition of the habeas corjms, and 
the revolution ? And yet what unbiassed individual, in 
either country, would wish back " the good old times," 
or deny that the condition of the people has been materi- 
ally improved by the change? Well, then, the Ameri- 
cans are, in common with the English, a more sober, 
calm, and reflecting people than, perhaps, any other in 
the world ; and, for this very reason, able to bear a larger 
proportion of rational liberty. 

The influence of this character on the sociable circles 
of America is undoubtedly felt; but not in the manner 
generally described by Europeans. Thus, for instance, 
it does not destroy the spirit of hospitality, for which the 
Americans were always distinguished, although it has but 
too often been ill requited; it does not prevent them from 
receiving their friends in a cordial manner, or enjoying 
their own domestic fireside: but, being always accustom- 
ed to thought and reflection, their minds are, perhaps, 
too fraught with the events of the day and the apprehen- 
sions of the future, to preserve throughout that fashion- 
able indifference on all topics, which can neither affect 
nor cheer any of the company present, and which, for 



20 AMERICAN CONVERSATION. 

that very reason, is considered essential to good manners 
in Europe. Tlieir sentiments are often expressed with 
warmtli bordering on enthusiasm, and require, therefore, 
a greater degree of attention and sympathy on the part 
of their audience, than Europeans of rank are willing to 
bestow on ordinary subjects of conversation. On this 
account, American society is sometimes fatiguing; and 
the complaint has often been made by foreigners, that it 
requires a certain preparation in order to understand or 
enjoy it. Its demands on a stranger are more numerous 
than is always agreeable ; and if he be a man of talent 
or reputation, he is expected to show off and entertain 
the company. The Americans, on such occasions, are 
always willing to listen, to learn, and, perhaps, to ques^ 
lion ; but Europeans are not always ready to teach or to 
answer, and still less disposed to receive instruction from 
their entertainers. In this manner, society proves often 
a task to men of consideration and learning, instead of 
offering them a convenient resj)ite, as in Europe. 

The most bitter reproach, however, which has ever 
been heaped upon American manners, is their unhallow- 
ed custom of talking about trade and traffic. This, dur- 
ing a period of more than fourteen years, I confess not 
to have remarked half as often as Hamilton, and never, 
except from one man of business to another. I rather 
think an honorable exception was made in his favor, in 
order to acquaint him the better with American affairs, 
on which they knew he was about to write a book ; little 
suspecting that subjects so intrinsically mean, as mere 
trade and commerce, must necessarily be beneath the no- 
tice of an author. The Americans, I admit, show, on all 
such occasions, a morbid solicitude to forestall the good 
opinions of their guests; and would, perhaps, succeed 
better if they were more careless and reserved. Notwith- 
standing all this, we have his own acknowledgment as to 
the new ideas he acquiijed in this manner, which is at least 
a proof that American society was not without the means 
of improving his stock of information.* 

*" Since my arrival," says Mr. Hamilton, "I have received much 
involuntary instruction in the prices of corn, cotton, and tobacco. My 
stock of information as to bankruptcies is very respectable ; and if the 
manufacturers of Glasgow and Paisley knew" only half as well as I do 



IMITATION OF EUROPEAN MANNERS. 21 

The Americans have also been reproached with an al- 
most slavish imitation of European manners ; which, 
amongst the wealthier classes at least, is said to exist in a 
degree bordering on the ludicrous, This is decidedly the 
greatest and most merited charge that can be brought 
against them and that noble spirit of independence for 
which they are, in other respects, remarkable. 

Every nation has an indisputable right to fix its own 
conventional standard, which must be based on its history 
and the general habits of the people, resulting from the 
climate, soil, and the political institutions of the country. 
No native of Russia would judge a West Indian by the 
conventional standard of Petersburg ; nor would an Eng- 
lishman govern his conduct by the rules* of etiquette of 
Rome or Naples. What, in a mercantile community, 
might be perfectly just and proper, would, under a mili- 
tary government, be considered in a very different light ; 
and the ceremony of a Turkish divan would ill suit the 
council chamber of the King of England. The Ameri- 
cans alone seem to have given up the privilege of estab- 
lishing conventional rules of their own ; and thus, with 
a singular complaisance, judge the manners of every for- 
eigner, and sufter their own to be judged, by the standard 
of another country. The consequence of this want of 
independence is felt in the arrogance and presumption 
with which even the meanest and most ignorant of Euro- 
peans passes sentence on American manners, whenever 
they disagree with his own ; and in his unrestrained con- 
tempt for those whom he sees anxiously striving to imi- 
tate what a European valet or a footman is infinitely 
more successfiil in accomplishing; whilst their laws, their 
political institutions, and the industrious habits of the 
people, are in open contradiction, with the frivolities of 
mere fashionable life. How often have I not, myself, 
seen Europeans curl their lips at the apparent plainness 
of Americans, who were, in every respect, their superiors, 
save in the cut of the coat and the felicitous adaptation 

how thoroughly the new market is glutted with their goods, they as- 
suredly would send out no more on speculation." 

If the learned author had gathered more such "respectable" infor- 
mation, he would, at least, have made his work more useful to his 
country. 



22 IMITATION OF EUROPEAN MANNERS. 

of a coxcomb's bow; and, what is worse, beheld these 
sentiments approved bj some American exquisite, who 
had just returned home, fraught with the follies of all 
countries, but seemingly light of the good sense of his own. 

The at.tempt to create ffishionable and aristocratic dis- 
tinctions, will, in America, never be crowned with success. 
Tlie reason is apparent. Every species of aristocracy 
must be based on wealth and power, and contain, within 
itself, the j)rinci|)le of perpetuity. Without these requi- 
sites their superiority will never be acknowledged, nor 
will they have the means of enforcing it. There exists, 
in the large cities of America, certain coteries, composed 
principally of wealthy families ; but their wealth is not 
permanent, an(4 they are perfectly powerless when op- 
posed to the great mass of the people. JVot more than 
one fourth of all the men who possess property in the 
United States have inherited it ; the rest have acquired it 
by their own industry. Scarcely one fourth, therefore, 
could have been brought up in the elegancies of fashiona- 
ble life ; the remainder are recruits and stragglers. But, 
in the total absence of monopolies, and with the immense 
resources of the country, the road to fortune is open to 
all; while those who possess property may lose it, and 
must, at any rate, ultimately divide it equally amongst 
their children. The elements of American coteries are, 
therefore, constantly varying; but every new change 
brings them nearer to a level with the people. 

The abrogation of primogeniture, in America, has done 
more towards equalizing conditions than the spirit of ex- 
clusiveness will ever be able to overcome ; aristocratic 
pretensions may exist; but they will always remain impo- 
tent, and die with the respective pretenders. The ab- 
sence of primogeniture acts as a constant moderator in 
society, humbling the rich and elevating the poor. It 
obliges the sons of the wealthy to join personal applica- 
tion to an honest inheritance, and elevates the hopes of 
the lower classes with the expectance of future prosperity. 
It is thus the strongest pillar of democracy in the consti- 
tution of nearly every State of the Union. 

No aristocracy can exist or maintain itself without 
property. The nobility of France had virtually ceased to 
exist long before the hereditary peerage was abolished; 



AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY. 23 

while the patronage of the English would alone be suffi- 
cient to establish a power which would make itself felt, 
even if the House of Lords were reformed. There are 
even those * who beheve that in the latter case its power, 
instead of being confined to its usual channel, would ex- 
tend itself over every department of state, and absorb, for 
a time at least, the main interests of the country. The 
American aristocracy, on the contrary, possess neither 
hereditary wealth nor privileges, nor the power of direct- 
ing the lower classes. The prosperity of the country is 
too general to reduce any portion of the people to the ab- 
ject condition of ministers to the passions and appetites 
of the rich. It is even gold which destroys the worship 
of the golden calf 

But how can it be possible for the American aristocra- 
cy to lay claims to superior distinctions, when the people 
are constantly reminded, by words and actions, that thei/ 
are the legislators, that the fee-simple is in them, and that 
thei/ possess the invaluable privilege of calling to office 
men of their own choice and principles ? Are not the 
American people called upon to pass sentence on every 
individual whose ambition may prompt him to seek dis- 
tinction and honor at their hands? And what is not 
done to conciliate the good will and favor of the people 1 
Are they not constantly flattered, courted, and caressed 
by that very aristocracy which, if it truly existed, would 
spurn equality with the people ? Is the judgment of the 
people, expressed by the ballot-box, not appealed to as 
the ultimate decision of every argument and contest ? 
Aristocracy, if it shall deserve that name, must not only 
be based on the vain pretensions of certain classes, but 
on its public acknowledgment by law, and the common 
consent of others. This, however, is not the work of a 
generation, and requires an historical connexion with the 
origin and progress of a country. 

Why, then, should the Americans recognise a superior 
class of society, if that class be neither acknowledged by 
law nor possessed of power ? How shall they be brought 
to worship those from whom they are accustomed to 
receive homage 1 — vvho are either men of their own elec- 
tion, and consequently of their own making, or the de- 

* Heine. 



24 REPUBLICAN PLAINNESS. 

feated and unhappy victims of their displeasure ? The 
aristocracy of America may claim genius, and talent, and 
superiority, and they may be ambitious ; but it is an 
"ambition of so airy and light a quality that it is but a 
shadow's shadow " — a sort of fata morgana reflected from 
beyond the waters, whose baseless fabric can neither ex* 
cite apprehension, nor arrest the progress of democracy. 
Coteries there always were, and always will be, in large 
cities ; but they need not necessarily be connected with 
power. In America, moreover, they exist, principally, 
among the ladies; there being, as yet, but few gentlemen 
to be called " of leisure," or exclusively devoted to socie- 
ty. The country is yet too young, and offers too large a 
field for the spirit of enterprise and business, to leave to 
the fashionable drawing-rooms other devotees than young 
misses and elegants of from fourteen to twenty years of 
age. That such companies may, nevertheless, have their 
attractions, no one can reasonably doubt; but they are not 
composed of elements capable of changing the manners 
and customs of tiie country ; and, as long as their compo- 
sition does not materially alter, must remain deprived of 
that influence which the higher circles in Europe are wont 
to exercise over all classes of society. 

The manners of republicans must necessarily be more 
nearly on a level with each other than those of a people 
living under a monarchical government. There are no 
nobles to vie with the splendor of the throne ; no com- 
moners to outdo the nobility. The dignified simplicity of 
the American President and all high functionaries of state 
is little calculated to furnish patterns of expensive fash- 
ions ; and, were all Americans, in this respect, exact im- 
itators of the amiable plainness of General Jackson, their 
manners would soon cease to be an object of satire to 
English tourists. They would then present dignity with- 
out ornament, candor without loquacity, loftiness of mind 
unmingled with contempt for others. Europeans would 
then visit the United States, not to ridicule American 
manners, but for the purpose of studying them ; and, per- 
haps, carry home the useful conviction, that though 
republics are no fit schools for courtiers, they may, nev- 
ertheless, abound in good sense, agreeable address, and 
genuine cordiality of manners. 



AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE. 25 

When I said that the manners of republicans must be 
more nearly on a level with each other than those of a 
people living under a different form of government, I was 
far from conceiving it in the sordid sense in which it has 
often been applied to Americans. The tendency of Amer- 
ican democracy is not to debase the wealthy in mind or 
fortune, but to raise the inferior classes to a moral eleva- 
tion, where they need no longer be degraded and despis- 
ed. It is not a drawback on individual distinction or 
merit, — which, on the contrary, it encourages more than 
any other government — but it is a great safeguard against 
the total abjectedness of the lower classes. The seeming 
equality of conditions in America is not effected by with- 
holding certain privileges from the educated and wealthy, 
but by extending them to the middle, and even inferior or- 
ders of society. 

The man of education, or of fortune, is respected in 
America as in Europe ; but the deference paid to his per- 
son is untinged with the humiliating consciousness of be- 
ing incapable ever to attain to the same distinctions. 
There is nothing in the institutions of America to dero- 
gate from the dignity of gentlemen ; they simply prevent 
a certain class from enjoying that title to the prejudice 
and exclusion of all the rest. They are not unjust to the 
rich and the learned because they are more just to the 
poor ; tliey do not prevent good breeding or good man- 
ners, but, on the contrary, spread them amongst a 
larger number of people. But there are men who can- 
not enjoy wealth unless they know that others are poor; 
who value knowledge only in proportion as it gives them 
power over their fellow-creatures; who could not relish 
venison unless they knew a half-starved population was 
dying for the want of bread. Such men have repeatedly 
visited the United States, and were, of course, much an- 
noyed with the vulgar plenty of the land, and the desire 
of every American to be considered "a gentleman." It 
was this feature of democracy which they described as 
begetting low breeding, because it is apt to make Amer- 
icans wanting in that outward respect, which a certain 
class of men is always sure to meet with in Europe. But 
deference for the just claims of others need not necessa- 
rily be accompanied by marks of humiliating self-denial; 
3 



26 AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE. 

and it is, perhaps, better that the whole distinction should 
be dropped, than that the inferiority should exist in the 
degree indicated by the outward forms of civility. 

But to judge of the manners of a people, one must have 
been a resident amonst them, and not a mere tourist. 
From the writings of Basil Hall and Hamilton, it is evi- 
dent that neither of these gentlemen became acquainted 
with any but the fashionable coteries of the great cities; 
and that the manners of the people, and especially those 
of the respectable middle classes, escaped altogether their 
immediate attention. What tii'ey say of them in their re- 
spective works is not the result of personal observation, 
but rather the stale reiteration of some evening's conver- 
sation, colored by the partisan spirit of politics and reli- 
gion. Mrs. Trollope, on the contrary, was hardly known 
in fashionable society, and only saw the western part of 
the country, yet ; notwithstanding all this, her book is 
clever, and has that superiority over the productions of 
her masculine com])etitors which a caricature, ever so 
badly drawn, has over a portrait destitute of resemblance. 

The most remarkable characteristic of Americans is 
the uncommon degree of intelligence which pervades all 
classes. I do not here speak of the higher branches of 
learning which, in the language of Europe, constitute 
scholarship; but of the great mass of useful knowledge 
calculated to benefit and improve the condition of man- 
kind. It is this latter knowledge for which the Ameri- 
cans are distinguished, and for the attainment of which 
they have, perhaps, made belter provision than any other 
nation in the world. This is as it should be. No democ- 
racy can exist for any length of time without the means 
of education being widely diffused throughout the country ; 
but it is certainly not to be expected that republicans 
should tax themselves, in order to gratify, certain elegant 
tastes which are of no immediate benefit to the public. 
The study of the higher branches of science, and the 
cultivation of the fine arts, find their principal reward in 
the pleasure arising from the pursuit, and require seldom 
the assistance of the law to be called into active exist- 
ence. Wherever this is done, the people have to bear 
the expense of it, without receiving the gratification. The 
Americans are yet occupied with what is necessary and 



RESPECT FOR MEN OF LETTERS. 27 

useful, and are, therefore, obliged to leave the higher ac- 
complishments to the protection of individual munificence. 
But let any one cast his eye on the sums annually expend- 
ed for the establishment and support of common schools 
and colleges, and he will, at once, be convinced of the 
liberality of Americans in the cause of education ; al- 
though no allowances are, as yet, made for professorships 
of heraldry, or the discovery of a north-west passage. I 
shall not, here, discuss the matter any further, as I intend 
to recur to it in another place ; but I would ask what in- 
fluence the higher branches of learning have on the social 
intercourse of a people, or the manners of society in gen- 
eral ? What fashionable company in England was ever 
graced or edified by the conversation of Sir Isaac New- 
ton 1 What select circle in Germany ever enjoyed and 
delighted in the philosophical researches of Kant and 
Leibnitz 1 Men of letters, and more especially, profi- 
cients in science, are rarely welcome guests at a party ; 
and, in Germany, they have been uniformly banished to 
the universities. Neither the arts nor the sciences have, 
till lately, received particular encouragement from the 
German courts ; and it was with great justice Schiller 
could say of Frederic the Great that the German muse 
was banished from his court ; * and yet, at that very peri- 
od, the most effectual measures were taken, by men of 
letters themselves, to ensure the progress and indepen- 
dence of German literature. 

But the remark that men of letters do not hold a dis- 
tinguished rank in American society is totally false and 
unfounded. There is, perhaps, no society to which learn- 

* Von dem grosslen Deutschen Sohne, 
Von des grossen Friedrichs Throne 

Gieng sie schutzlos ungeehrt. 
Ruhmlich darfs der Deutsche sagen, 
Hoher darf das Herz ihm schlagen : 

Selbst erschuf er sich den Werth. 

Schiller's German Muse. 

From the greatest German son, 
From great Fred'rick's noble throne, 

Unprotected went she forth. 
Proudly may the German speak it ; 
Loudly may his heart repeat it : 

He himself achieved his worth. 



28 



RESPECT FOR MEN OF LETTERS. 



ing furnishes a better introduction ; and 1 am quite cer- 
tain that some of the gentlemen who have lately visited 
the United States " for the laudable purpose of informa- 
tion," owe their friendly reception there more to their 
high reputation as scliolars, than to any rank they may 
hold in the army or navy. Scholarship, in America, 
is, indeed, not so common as it is in Europe ; but the in- 
dividuals who are able to lay claims to it, are sure of 
meeting with the acknowledgment due to their merits, 
and a certain acquaintance with the elements of science 
is an almost indispensable requisite for admission into 
good company. The conversation of Americans turns, 
generally, more on scientific subjects than would be be- 
lieved by Europeans, and differs, in this respect, widely, 
from the insipid common-place of the fashionable circles 
of Europe.* There is hardly a branch of learning which, 
at some time or other, is not introduced into their collo- 
quies, and there are few scholars in America who would 
be denied the privilege of expressing their opinions on a 
favorite topic, or whose conversation would not be listen- 
ed to with increased interest and pleasure. To this may 
be added the proneness of Americans to argue, which, 
though it may not always correspond to the European idea 
of good manners, lends, nevertheless, to conversation a 
zest of which it would otherwise be deprived. 

Society, in all countries, gains more from the amount 
of floating intellect, and the capacity of all its members 
to join in conversation, than from the amount of knowl- 
edge treasured up in the minds of individuals. This prin- 
ciple applies most happily to the social condition of the 
United States ; for it would be difficult to find a country 
where information is more generally diffused, or the peo- 

* I write this at Munich, a city which has been much and justly ex- 
tolled on account of its liberal institutions, and whose progress in the 
sciences and the fine arts has occupied a large space in the " Foreign 
duarterly." The King of Bavaria is himself a poet and an artist; 
and possesses the most perfect judgment of every thing relating to the 
arts. But, notwithstanding this noble example of the king himself, and 
his liberal and munificent encouragement of learning, there are but 
two scientific gentlemen— Mr. T ** and Mr. S**— who can boast of 
being freely admitted into the highest circles : but as the usual topics 
of conversation do not often allow them to display their acquirements, 
they are merely pointed out to strangers someAvhat in the same manner 
as the giraffe or the elephant in the zoological gardens. 



AMERICAN DANDIES. 29 

pie of all classes more capable of expressing their ideas 
with clearness and precision. A certain directness of 
thought and expression may, indeed, be considered a na- 
tional peculiarity of Americans, and contributes certainly 
much to their apparent plainness of manners. Mere fash- 
ionable elegance passes with them for little or nothing ; 
but in no country are power of reasoning, force of argu- 
ment, ancl acuteness of observation at a greater premium. 
Good sense is the ruling element of society, as it is the 
main-spring of all their public actions ; and the country 
at large is much a gainer in the result. Mannerism is 
hardly ever cultivated to the prejudice of the more sub- 
stantial acquirements, as the conventions of society offer 
but little or no protection to the ignorance or pretensions 
of impostors ; and I cannot imagine any circumstances 
more capable of exhibiting an idiot in trouble than an 
empty-headed coxcomb in company with rational Ameri- 
cans. Fashionables and exquisites there are in the large 
cities of the United States as in Europe ; but they are 
certainly less the object of envy or admiration, and are 
almost exclusively in favor with the young misses of the 
boarding-schools. Their bright career commences and 
finishes with the lights of the drawing-rooms, and their 
only chance of distinction is at a waltz or a quadrille. 
But, once entrapped by some fair enchantress, they quick- 
ly turn their attention to objects more useful and profit- 
able. The prospect of supporting a wife and family be- 
comes then the all-engrossing object of their thoughts and 
reflections ; and it is by no means un frequent, to see an 
American, at the age of twenty-one, settle down into a 
sober husband and father of a family. I have hardly ever 
known an American fashionable, who was not a minor; 
but I have never seen one at the bar, or on change. 

With all the misfortunes which the abolition of primo- 
geniture may have entailed on America,* it certainly has 
done much towards establishing permanent habits of in- 
dustry ; and as long as these last, buffoons and coxcombs 
must certainly despair of success. 

To sum up the argument. — Whatever advantages, with 

* The learned author of " Men and Manners " ascribes the total ab- 
sence of the higher elegancies of life in America to the abolition of 
primogeniture. 

3* 



30 GENERAL REMARKS ON SOCIETY. 

regard to elegance and external accomplishments, Euro- 
peans of rank and fashion may possess over the great 
majority of Americans, the balance of common sense, 
general information, and high moral rectitude, may, never- 
theless, incline in favor of the latter. American society 
offers, as yet, but few attractions to the man of the world ; 
but it has wherewith to satisfy the heart and the under- 
standing of the follower of nature : it does not command 
the luxuries of the aristocratic coteries of Europe ; but it 
abounds in comforts and rational enjoyments : its general 
ton and etiquette may fall short of the expectations of a 
courtier; but it is inferior to none — and perhaps unri- 
valled — in simplicity and cordiality of manners. 



CHAPTER II. 



AMERICAN LADIES. SANCTITY OF MARRIAGES. DOMES- 
TIC HABITS. ' — AVERSION TO PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS. 

CHURCHES. INFLUENCE OF THE WANT OF A CHURCH 

ESTABLISHMENT. KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 

Having thus far expressed my opinion of American 
society in general, I may, perhaps, be permitted to offer 
a few remarks on the women. I am fully aware of the 
delicacy of the subject, and the difficulty of the task ; but, 
having- once undertaken it, I shall ofter the result of my 
observations, notwithstanding the failures in comparison, 
and the errors in judgment, of which I may have been 
guilty. 

The forms of American ladies are generally distin- 
guished by great symmetry and fineness of proportion ; 
but their frames and constitutions seem to be less vigorous 
than those of the ladies of almost any country in Europe. 
Their complexions, which, to the South, incline towards 
the Spanish, are, to the North, remarkably fair and bloom- 
ing, and, while young, by far the greater portion of them 
are decidedly handsome. A marked expression of intel- 
ligence, and a certain indescribable air of languor — 
probably the result of the climate — lend to their counte- 
nances a peculiar charm, to which it would be difficult to 
find a parallel in Europe. An American lady, in her 
teens, is, perhaps, the most sylph-like creature on earth. 
Her limbs are exquisitely wrought, her motions light and 
graceful, and her whole carriage at once easy and digni- 
fied. But these beauties, it is painfiil to say, are doomed 
to an early decay. At the period of twenty-four a certain 
want of fulness in her proportions is already perceptible ; 



32 AMERICAN MOTHERS. 

and, once passed the age of thirty, the whole fabric goes 
seemingly into decay. As the principal cause of this sud- 
den decline, some allege the climate ; but I ascribe it 
more willingly to the great assiduity with which American 
ladies discharge their duties as mothers. No sooner are 
they married than they begin to lead a life of comparative 
seclusion ; and once mothers, they are actually buried to 
the world. At the period of ushering their children into 
society they appear, indeed, once more as respectable 
matrons ; but they are then only the silent witnesses of 
the triumph of their daughters. An American mother is 
the nurse, tutor, friend and counsellor of her children. 
Nearly the whole business of education devolves upon 
her, and the task is, in many instances, beyond her physi- 
cal ability. Thus it is customary with many ladies in 
New England not only to hear their children recite J;he 
lessons assigned to them at school, but actually to (ex- 
pound them, and to assist them in the solution of arith- 
metical and algebraic problems. There are married 
ladies who apply themselves seriously to the study of 
mathematics and the classics, for no other purpose than 
forwarding the education of their children ; and I have 
known young men who have entered college with no 
other instruction, in any of the preparatory departments, 
than what they received from their mothers. But this 
continued application to the most arduous duties, the in- 
creasing care and anxiety for the progress and welfare of 
their children, and the consequent unreasonable confine- 
ment to the house and the nursery, undermine constitu- 
tions, already by nature sufftciently delicate ; and it is 
thus, by the sacrifice of health and beauty, that American 
ladies pay to their offspring the sacred tribute of maternal 
affection. No human being can ever requite the tender 
cares of a mother ; but it appears to me that the x\meri- 
cans have, in this respect, obligations immeasurably 
greater than those of the inhabitants of any other country. 
But there is one perfection in ladies — sometimes the 
first to attract our notice, and the last to vanish when 
every other beauty has faded and departed — which con- 
sists in delicate feet and ankles. The idea is taken from 
Goethe's celebrated novel " Die Wahlverwandtschaften," 
and would have hardly found its introduction here, were 



EDUCATION OF LADIES. 33 

L not backed bj the all-powerful authority of the immor- 
al poet, who, at the same time, was the most accomplished 
irtist. Well then, this perfection is one, of which Amer- 
ican ladies can certainly boast, and which they possess 
even in a higher degree than the French, though they 
take infinitely less pains to obtrude it on the notice of 
strangers. I would recommend this to the attention of 
certain tourists who have much expatiated on the forms 
and features of American ladies, and profess to be " com- 
petent judges of female beauty." 

With regard to education, American ladies resemble 
the English, which is, probably, the highest encomium 
which can be bestowed on their good sense and manners. 
If I judge right, there is, in this respect, less distinction 
between an English and American lady than between an 
English and American gentleman. Differences in poli- 
tics, occupation, &c., must necessarily draw stronger 
lines of demarcation between men than the more limited 
sphere of action can possibly create between woman ; but 
the distinction must become small, indeed, where the ed- 
ucation of the latter rests upon one and the same basis. 
The principles of revealed religion and a sound moral 
philosophy constitute, in America as in England, the 
foundation of all female instruction ; and it is (with the ex- 
ception of the fashionable circles) a rare case, in either 
country, to see the mere agrements de societe preferred to 
the more substantial acquirements which qualify ladies 
for their future stations as wives and mothers. Female 
dignity is ever more the result of character and principle 
than of mere outward grace and refinement ; and I can- 
not, in this respect, imagine the women of any country 
superior to the English or American. In the United 
States, where there are no classes of society debased in 
the estimation of the people, and, consequently, none de- 
graded in their own, this distinction extends even to per- 
sons in the humblest walks of life, and is there productive 
of a spe.cies of pride, which Europeans have often mis- 
taken for presumption ; but which, in fact, arises from a 
consciousness of moral worth and unexceptionable beTia- 
vior, which can lay a just claim to our consideration 
wherever we find it. I have seen nothing among the 
lower classes of Europe at all to be compared to it ; and 



34 



EDUCATION OF LADIES. 



it has certainly oiven me tlie highest opinion of the 
general morality of female repuhlicans. 

In point of fashionable accomplishment, American 
ladies are, perhaps, inferior to those of Europe ; but the 
elements of an English, and even classical, education are 
in no country more widely diffused. In addition to Latin 
and Greek, a young miss of respectable parents is expect- 
ed to become versed in the elements of chemistry, miner- 
alogy, botany, natural philosophy, algebra, geometry, and 
astronomy, to which the more gifted add even Hebrew 
and the higher branches of mathematics. In the pursuit 
of these studies, they are generally allowed to spend quite 
as much time, and even more, than the young men at 
college ; and it cannot, therefore, be surprising if the 
balance of general information should, in the United 
States, incline in favor of the women. There are few 
scientific topics of conversation on which an American 
lady would not be ready to join ; and there are certainly 
less of English reading which are not more or less 
familiar to the wives and daughters of respectable trades- 
people. Music and drawing are, in America, less cul- 
tivated than they are in France or Germany ; but there 
is quite as much parlor-amusements as in England, and 
certainly no lack of the graceful accomplishment of danc- 
ing. One deficiency, however, I cannot refrain from 
mentioning, which consists in the imperfect acquirement 
of modern languages. This, I think, must be the fault of 
the instructors, who are in the habit of teaching French 
or Italian in the same manner as the classics, troubling 
themselves little about accent or emphasis, and still less 
about the familiar idioms of the language. The conse- 
quence is, that many American ladies are well able to 
read French, Italian, and German, and to understand 
and appreciate even the literature of these languages; 
but there are comparatively few who can speak either of 
them with purity or elegance. Great improvements, 
however, are daily making in the American system of 
instruction ; and it is, therefore, to be hoped that this de- 
fect will soon yield to the efforts of more experienced 
teachers. 

What I have above remarked in reference to scientific 
acquirements, applies more particularly to the ladies of 



SOCIETY OF BOSTON. 35 

New England, of whom it is said that they are always 
infused "with a slight tinge of the blue." Whether this 
be true or not, I am unable to judge ; but I am quite cer- 
tain that there are few ladies, in any country, whose 
company and conversation are more agreeable and en- 
couraging to men of letters. The society of Boston, 
especially, is distinguished for its unusual number of 
clever women, and a certain literary taste is perhaps on 
this account diffused even amongst the merchants. The 
influence of this intellectual refinement is strikingly visi- 
ble in the manners of the Bostonians, and has created an 
honorable distinction in favor of their city, which, by the 
common consent of Americans, is called the Athens of 
the United States. 

The ladies of Philadelphia, and the south generally, 
possess other advantages not less conspicuous and attrac- 
tive. Theirs is the province of the graces and the fine 
arts. I can safely affirm that I have heard as good 
amateur concerts in Charleston and Philadelphia as in 
any part of France or Germany ; and I am, certainly, 
not disposed to undervalue, in this respect, the claims of 
my native country. Drawing and painting are also much 
more cultivated than they are to the north ; and foreign 
languages, especially French and Spanish, are spoken 
with greater fluency. Their manners are more distin- 
guished for grace and elegance, and their personal 
attractions are in England known by the appellation of 
"American beauty." But all these accomplishments do 
not prevent them from discharging their duties as wives 
and mothers ; and it is quite an erroneous notion, though 
sufficiently prevalent in the Northern States, that the 
ladies of the south are deficient in their domestic arrange- 
ments, or negligent in the education of their children. 
The case is indeed quite the reverse. The household of 
a southern planter is generally quite as well arranged as 
that of a farmer to the north ; though it is infinitely more 
complicate, on account of the slaves. In case of sickness, 
even among the negroes, or any other domestic calamity, 
the energy and patience of the southern ladies are severe- 
ly taxed; and, as for the instruction of children, the task 
devolves almost entirely on them ; iew good schools or 
seminaries of learning being comparatively at the com- 



36 AMERICAN LADIES 

mand of the parents, and among these, hardly any for the 
education of daughters. 

It has, sometimes, been remarked that American ladies, 
though usually fine and agreeable, are not always replete 
with imagination. It is not long since I heard his Royal 
Higliness the duke of* * , remark that he had seen many 
American ladies at his mother's court ; but that, to him, 
they were like a gallery of statues. The prince made 
some other very witty remarks on America, the precise 
meaning of which I was unable to comprehend, and con- 
cluded by comparing the western world to a woman, (he 
propably meant a young and a bearing one,) while Europe 
was to him the strong and lordly man of creation. I took 
the liberty to reply that young iiwmen were frequently 
more vigorous and powerful than old men, especially when 
the limbs of the latter aftbrded already specimens of mor- 
bid anatomy, which, of course, I could not be supposed to 
apply to the duke's own dominions. There could be 
nothing offensive in his sarcasm on American ladies, as 
it was generally whispered in society that the duke^s indis- 
cretions had rendered his admiration of ivomen someiohat 
more than suspicious. 

There is, in the great majority of American ladies, 
that calm subjection of passion and temper, which they 
deem indispensable to female dignity or grace ; but it 
does not follow that, on this account, they must be devoid 
of imagination and feeling. Their eyes arc, perhaps, 
less expressive of what, in Italy, would be called passion ; 
but they are beaming with intelligence and kindness ; 
and the great number of Europeans annually married in 
the United States, proves at least, that they are capable 
of kindling love and permanent attachment. But the 
strongest argument in favor of their sentiments is the 
almost universal practice of marrying "for love," to 
which only few of the fashionable coteries in the large 
cities seem to make an exception. The influence of this 
moral habit, based, as it is, on the salutary principle of 
a free choice, manifests itself powerfully in the rapid 
progress of population, and perhaps also in the substance 
and composition of the American people. 

As regards the morality and virtue of American ladies, 
it will suffice to say that they are not inferior to the 



AMERICAN LADIES. ^ 

English, who are universally acknowledged to be the 
best wives and mothers in Europe. The slightest sus- 
picion against the character of a lady, is, in America, as 
in England, sufficient to exclude her from society; but, 
in America, public opinion is equally severe on men, 
and this is certainly a considerable improvement. Ac- 
cordingly, there is no country in which scandal, even 
amongst the most fashionable circles, is so rare as in the 
United States, or where the term " intrigue " is less known 
and understood. I shall always renvember the observa- 
tion of a French geirtleman, who could find nothing to 
interest him in American society, because " it precluded 
the very idea of a liaison^ " il/j," exclaimed he, •* c'est 
le paradis des maris ! " 

Thus far, I have spoken of the manners of Americans 
in general; much, however, remains yet to be said of 
their peculiar domestic habits. 

The houses of the wealthier classes resemble those of 
the gentry in England, and are wanting in nothing which 
can materially contribute to comfort. Some of the higher 
elegancies of life, are, indeed, confined to a few imitators 
of European fashions ; but there is a sufficiency of all 
that is essential and needful. No ostentatious attempt is 
«ver mad« to display either fortune or riches ; but, on 
the contrary, every thing avoided, which, being contrary 
to republican plainness, might offend, or unnecessarily 
attract the attention of the people. Furniture, dress, 
carriages, &c. are all of the simplest construction ; and 
tbe oldest and most aristocratic families set, in this re- 
spect, the example to the more recently promoted fashion- 
ables. Whatever political reason there may exist for the 
prevalence of this taste, it is, nevertheless, a good one, 
and being shared by the great majority of the nation, 
impresses a peculiar character of simplicity on the do- 
mestic life of Americans. It is impossible for an Euro- 
pean to live for any length of time in the United States, 
without being constantly reminded, in town or in the 
country, at home or abroad, that he is living in a republic, 
and that the sovereign power of that republic is solely 
vested in the majority ; for, whatever is capable of ex- 
citing envy or jealousy by too glaring a distinction from 
the inferior classes, is condemned by public opinion, and, 
4 



38 HABITS OF THE LABORING CLASSES. 

on that account, studiously avoided by persons of all 
ranks of society. But then the great prosperity of the 
country enables even the laboring classes to enjoy com- 
forts much beyond the reach of superior orders in Europe ; 
and prevents the scale from becoming too low. 

On entering the house of a respectable mechanic, in 
any of the large cities of the United States, one cannot 
but be astonished at the apparent neatness and comfort of 
the apartments, the large airy parlors, the nice carpets 
and mahogany furniture, and the tolerable good library, 
showing the inmates' acquaintance with the standard 
works of English literature. These are advantages 
which but few individuals of the same class enjoy, by 
way of distinction, in Europe; but which, in America, 
are within the reasonable hopes and expectations of 
almost all the inferior classes. What powerful stimulus 
is not this to industry? What premium on sobriety and 
unexceptionable conduct ? A certain degree of respec- 
tability is, in all countries, attached to property, and is, 
perhaps, one of the principal reasons why riclies are cov- 
eted. A poor man has certainly more temptations, and 
requires more virtue to withstand them, than one who is 
in tolerable circumstances. The motives of the rich are 
hardly ever questioned, while the poor are but too often 
objects of distrust and suspicion. Pauper uhiquc jacet. 

The laboring classes in America are really less remov- 
ed from the wealthy merchants and professional men thaiT 
they are in any part of Europe ; and the term " mob," 
with which the lower classes in England are honored, 
does not apply to any portion of the American commu- 
nity. With greater ease and comfort in his domestic 
arrangements, the laboring American acquires also the 
necessary leisure and disposition for reading ; his circle 
of ideas becomes enlarged, and he is rendered more ca- 
pable of appreciating the advantages of the political 
institutions of his country. Both thought and reflection 
may be crushed by excessive labor, and the lofty aspir- 
ings of the mind enslaved by the cravings of the body. 
Liberty, without promoting the material interests of man, 
is a thing altogether beyond the comprehension of the 
multitude ; and there are many who, had they attained 
it, would, like the Israelites of old, wish themselves back 



DOMESTIC HABITS. 



39 



to their flesh-pots. I know not whether it is quest of lib- 
erty or property which causes Europeans to emigrate to 
America, but I am satisfied that there is an intimate con- 
nection between the two, and a constant reaction of one 
upon the other. 

An excellent habit of the Americans, which is an in- 
calculable promoter of domestic happiness, consists in 
their passing all th^ time which is not required for active 
business at home or in the circle of their acquaintance. 
To this custom must be ascribed the unusual number nf 
happy marriages in the United States, which is the cor- 
ner-stoneof the high morality of the country. Public 
houses, in America, are almost wholly frequented by trav- 
ellers ; and the practice has recently been introduced into 
many of them not to sell wine or liquor of any descrip- 
tion, except to boarders. 

But there is one deficiency in the general routine of 
pleasure in the United States, which is particularly op- 
pressive to the laboring classes, and consists in the almost 
total absence of public gardens or pleasure-grounds in 
the large cities. There is nothing more favorable to a 
community of feeling, and a certain momentary oblivion 
of all ranks and distinctions, which attaches us more 
warmly to our kind, than public places of rendezvous, 
frequented by all classes of society, and enjoyed alike by 
all. In Europe, nearly every large city is adorned with 
them ; and in Germany, every hamlet ; but in America, 
they seem to be opposed to the domestic habits of the 
people. New York has something in the shape of a pub- 
lic garden, in the establishment of Niblo's, and the battery. 
But there is, generally, an admission fee to both ; and 
neither one nor the other is large enough to contain a 
considerable portion of the whole population of the city. 
The battery, especially, can only be frequented in the 
evening, there being neither trees nor shrubs to afford the 
least shelter against the sun, though the place itself, from 
its elevation, commands a most beautiful view of the har- 
bor. Boston, alone, of all the cities in the United States, 
has a large public mall ; but even this (the munificent gift 
of an individual) is but little frequented, though the 
scenery around it is highly picturesque, and the walks 
themselves shaded by a most superb double row of chest- 



40 EXCLUSIVENESS OF THE HIGHER CLASSES. 

nuts. There seems to be no want of disposition, on the 
part of the Bostonians generally, to profit by these ad- 
vantages ; but unfortunately the taste of the fashionable 
society has pronounced a verdict against it, and avoids 
most carefully being mixed and confounded with the mul- 
titude. 

This morbid sensitiveness, on the part of the higher 
classes, arises, unquestionably, from the total absence of 
any exterior distinction between themselves and the low- 
er orders, which could point them out as objects of par- 
ticular respect and reverence ; but I must greatly mis- 
take the general character of Americans if I am not right 
in the conjecture, that a greater degree of condescension 
in the learned and wealthy could hardly fail of meeting 
with a proper acknowledgment on the part of the people ; 
while, on the contrary, too great a reserve in the former 
must necessarily deprive them of a portion of that power 
and influence which they would, otherwise, be sure to 
possess. If the American people are guilty of any fault, 
it is certainly not ingratitude. Whoever has observed 
their conduct at public meetings, in presence of their fa- 
vorite speakers and representatives, can testify to the un- 
feigned respect and uncommon propriety of manner with 
which they are wont to meet those whose stations and 
acquirements are really superior to their own. Nothing 
can be more pusillanimous than the fear of being con- 
founded with the vulgar ; and it is certainly the w;orst ar- 
gument, in favor of real or assumed superiority, to- dread 
the contact of those whom we affect to despise. May a 
more Christian and charitable feeling soon take the place 
of this mawkish resuscitation of aristocratic pride, which 
would befit certain orders in Europe infinitely better than 
the even-born citizens of a republic. 

The style of buildings in America is chiefly English, 
with some slight variation in New York and Philadel- 
phia ; but, to the south, the houses are adapted to the cli- 
mate, and of an architecture somewhat resembling the 
Spanish. The parlors are usually on the ground-floor, 
(in all the new houses they are on the first floor,) and 
communicate with each other by folding-doors: the 
story immediately above contains the chambers and the 
nursery, and the third and fourth floors are occupied by 



STYLE OF BUILDINGS. 41 

the remainder of the family and the servants. Nearly 
all the houses of the wealthier citizens contain a number 
of spare rooms, reserved for the accommodation of guests 
from the country; and the same kind hospitality is fre- 
quently tendered to strangers. Most of the modern hous- 
es are of brick or stone, and generally from three to four 
stories high ; the Americans showing great fondness for 
large and spacious dwellings, and the ground in the cities 
being already too dear to allow them to expatiate much 
in area. The exterior of the buildings is less marked by 
style or elegance than the interior is clean and comfort- 
able ; and the custom prevails, as in England, for each 
family to occupy a house of its own. , The principal or- 
nament consists in a sort of portico of various dimen- 
sions and orders, and a flight of steps leading up to the 
entrance. In Boston and New York, these steps are 
commonly of sandstone or granite (a species of sienite ;) 
but, in Philadelphia, they are of beautiful white marble, 
which, by daily ablution, is kept as clean as the floor of 
the parlors, and contributes much to the neat appearance 
of the streets. 

The residence of a planter, in the southern states, is 
altogether adapted to the climate; the rooms having as 
many windows as practicable, and a large covered piazza, 
resting on wooden or stone pillars, extending tlie whole 
front of the building. This piazza is sometimes carried 
all round the house, and composed of as many stories as 
the building itself. Its efl"ect on the eye is far from disa- 
greeable, and its practical advantage in aff'ording shelter 
against the sun and the dew of those climates, makes it a 
pleasant retreat for all the members of the family. 

The streets of the large cities are well paved or mac- 
adamised, and the side-walks, commonly of brick or of 
flag-stone, elevated, as in England, to protect the people 
against horses and vehicles. In Boston and Philadelphia, 
they are kept exceedingly clean ; but in New York, with 
the exception of Broadway, the principal street, they oft- 
en contain wherewithal to feed multitudes of those gen- 
tle creatures "that plow not, nor obey thy call." The 
continued bustle and stir of business in New York seems 
to preclude the possibility of sweeping and cleansing 
them ; and it may, therefore, be considered a happy cir- 
4* 



42 AMERICAN CITIES. 

cumstance, that a set of scavengers should have been 
found willing to do the needful from sheer inclitiation ; 
and ready, at any time, to ])ay with their own flesii and 
blood for whatever advantages they may thus be suffered 
to enjoy. 

It must not be inferred, however, that the part inhabited 
by the more wealthy inhabitants (which is now the West 
end of the town, and bids fair to rival, at some future day, 
the most fashionable parts of London,) are in the same 
filthy state. There all is neatness and cleanliness. The 
streets are daily swept and sprinkled with water ; the side- 
walks are kept clean ; the porticos of the houses are of 
marble orsienite; in short, that part is superior in style 
and elegance to anything exhibited in other cities of the 
United States. 

Neither is the vicinity of the dwellings of the lowest 
classes more disgusting and mean than some of the dirty 
lanes of London or Southwark, and certainly far superi- 
or to the wretched hovels of the poor in Dublin. When- 
ever the Americans speak of the poor, the term is used 
merely in contradistinction to the rich, but never denotes 
that abject order of human beings, who, in the larger cap- 
itals of Europe, offend and disgust the eye with scenes of 
the most abandoned wretchedness. How lonsf this stale 
of prosperity is to last, it is difficult at present to foretell, 
but as long as any portion of the Western territory re- 
mains to be settled, no period can be assigned to its dura- 
tion. 

At the beginning of this work I proposed to myself not 
to give descriptions of inanimate objects, further than 
might be necessary to illustrate the manners of the peo- 
ple. Whether works of architecture come under this 
head or not, I am unable to decide ; but I think it not in- 
consistent with the general plan of this work to offer a 
few remarks on American churches. The greater num- 
ber of these, when compared to the wealth of their re- 
spective congregations, are decidedly mean, both in their 
exterior and interior appearance ; and there exists, in 
this respect, an infinitely greater disparity between them 
and the houses of worship in Europe, than between the 
dwellings of the rich and the palaces of European princ- 
es. If republicans are at all permitted to display splen- 



AMERICAN CHURCHES. 43 

dor and magnificence, without offending the pride of their 
fellow-citizens, it is certainly in the edifices of public 
worship, and in the halls of their legislative assemblies. 
With regard to the latter, the Americans possess, already, 
a proud monument of national grandeur. The capitol at 
"Washington, situated on an eminence commanding an 
unobstructed view of many miles in circumference, is an 
edifice of the most imposing structure and proportions; 
and, from its very position, incredibly superior to any of 
the public palaces in Europe. The interior, too, corres- 
ponds well with the dignity of the design ; but the most 
sublime effect is produced by its standing high, free, and 
alone, as the institutions it guards in its bosom ; over- 
shadowing hills and valleys, and rivers of the mighty land 
over which it exerts the benign influence of law and jus- 
tice. 

But, proud as the Americans may be of their halls of 
congress, they have not, as yet, a single place of worship 
at all to. be compared to the finer churches in Europe, 
where they might render thanks to the Omnipotent Being 
for the unexampled happiness and prosperity with which 
he has blessed their country. Some not altogether unsuc- 
cessful attempts have been made in Boston and Balti- 
more, at what might be called a cathedral ; but neither 
the size nor the order, nor even the materials, are resem- 
bling those of the nobler specimens of Gothic architec- 
ture in Europe.* 

Our feelings and emotions are always tinged with the 
reflections from the objects around us ; and I cannot, 
therefore, divest myself of the opinion that a superior 
style of architecture in an edifice of public worship may 
materially assist the imagination, and enable the mind to 
turn from mere wordly objects to the contemplation of 
heaven and the adoration of God. I have known persons 
who could never pray so fervently as when encompassed 
by the sombre vaults of a gothic cathedral, and I have, 
myself, experienced the same feelings on similar occa- 
sions. 

But, in addition to the deficiency in style and ornament 

* Trinity Church, in Boston, is a building of pure taste and uniform 
architecture ; and the cathedral at Baltimore enjoys the reputation oX 
being the finest church in the country. 



44 AMERICAN CLERGYMEN. 

there exists, in America, an almost universal practice of 
building churches, or at least the steeples, of wood, to 
which are frequently given the most grotesque figures, 
partaking of all orders of architecture, from the time of 
Noah to the present day. There is scarce an excuse for 
this corruption of taste, except the cheapness of the ma- 
terial, which may recommend the custom in practice. A 
church ought to be the symbol of immutability and eter- 
nity, the attributes of the Infinite Being; but nothing 
can be more averse to either, than its construction of so 
frail a material as wood. An imitation of stone-work is 
still more objectionable, as it appears like an attempt at 
deceit — a sort of architectural counterfeiting, least par- 
donable in a house of prayer. Such an edifice seems to 
be unworthy of its noble purpose — a sordid mockery of 
grandeur, which, without elevating the mind, represents 
to it only the melancholy picture of human frailties. 

Yet the Americans are not deficient in liberality to- 
wards their clergymen, whose pecuniary compensation 
is certainly generous, when compared with the moderate 
salaries of the first ofiicers of state, and enables them, 
generally, to live in houses much more tastefiilly built, 
and better furnished within, than those in which they de- 
liver their sermons. 

This is again republican, and shows the Americans to 
be much more attached to substance than to forms. The 
most essential part of divine service is assuredly perform- 
ed by the clergyman, whose example and admonitions 
have a more salutary influence on the general morals of 
his congregation, than the most gorgeous cathedral, or 
the most moving cantahilc of Haydn. Yet the latter have 
their advantages too, which, no doubt, will, at some future 
day, be duly appreciated in America as in Europe. In 
the Western States, where new settlements are daily form- 
ing, it would be absurd to erect buildings, the use of 
which would be reserved for the third or fourth genera- 
tion. The principal object, there, must necessarily be 
immediate usefulness ; and it is certainly better for the 
people to worship in a wooden church than to have no 
church at all. 

Another cause, operating against the erecting of costly 
churches in the United States, is the absence of a power- 



AMERICAN CLERGYMEN. 45 

ful hierarchy. Churches in America are built when they 
are wanted, or whenever a congregation is sufficiently nu- 
merous and able to pay a preacher. With them the cler- 
gyman must be of more importance than the church, in 
the building of which they voluntarily tax themselves, 
without having recourse to the pecuniary assistance of 
others. This will always keep the church poor ; but I 
doubt whether the practice, while it lasts, does not actu- 
ally benefit the people. I am convinced there is as good 
preaching in the United States, and quite as fervent too, 
as in any country with a church establishment. 

Setting aside the injustice (of which Americans at least 
are fully persuaded) of taxing people of a different be- 
lief with the support of an establishment in which they 
have no stake or interest, there is, in an hierarchy, that 
which makes its members indolent and lazy. A person 
provided for, cannot, by the rules of common sense,, be 
supposed to work as hard as one who has to exert himself 
for a living, or whose services are remunerated in propor- 
tion to their merit and usefulness. An hierarchy, from 
its superior organization and discipline, may have its po- 
litical didw?i\\\.3.ges nnder peculiar forms of government ; 
but I cannot see any spiritual benefit accruing from it to 
the people. Every member of a hierarchy is necessarily 
more interested in the continuance of the establishment, 
than in the discharge of his duties toward the people. He 
is paid by the establishment, of which he is either a func- 
tionary or a pensioner, and is as much concerned in its 
welfare as a British mariner in the safety and endurance 
of Greenwich Hospital, or a clerk in the solvency of his 
employers. In America, every clergyman maybe said to 
do business on his own account, and under his own firm. 
He, alone, is responsible for any deficiency m the dis- 
charge of his office, as he is alone entitled to all the credit 
due to his exertions. He always acts as principal, and 
is, therefore, more anxious, and will make greater effi>rts 
to obtain popularity, than one who serves for wages. The 
actual stock in any one of those firms is, of course, less 
than the immense capital of the Church of England ; 
but the aggregate amount of business transacted by them 
jointly, may, nevertheless, be greater in the United States. 
The subordinate member of a hierarchy does not act on 



46 AMERICAN CLERGYMEN. 

his own responsibility ; he merely discharges the obliga- 
tions enjoined by his superiors. It is to them he must 
look for advancement, as a soldier looks for promotion 
to his commanding officers ; and a fault of discipline is 
more severely reprimanded than an actual injustice to- 
wards a different order. Like the soldier, he has frequent- 
ly an interest different from that of the people ; and, 
like him, he is ready to turn his weapons against them 
whenever the establishment itself is in danger. A church 
establishment resembles always, more or less, a standing 
army. It is strong, endurable, and disciplined, but a se- 
vere tax upon the people, and nearly as dangerous an in- 
strument for their subjugation. 

The situation of an American clergyman is usually 
comfortable ; but there are no church-livings as in Eng- 
land ; no rich prelates, or other high dignitaries, sufficient- 
ly wealthy to employ large sums in the building of church- 
es. Every preacher is paid by his congregation ; and 
there is, consequently, no accumulation of wealth on the 
part of the clergymen, nor proportionate poverty on the 
part of those who employ them. The conditions of the 
different members of the clergy are, as nearly as possible, 
on a level with each other and those of the private citi- 
zens — no distinction being claimed, save that which is 
based on superior talent and application. Hence the 
American churches resemble each other as the dwelling- 
houses. They are built for use, not for ornament; and 
are neither calculated to attract particular attention, nor 
to embellish or adorn the cities. 

But what they lack in quality is more than compensat- 
ed by increase of nimibers ; and in this consists the ad- 
vantage of the system. There is no village in the United 
States without its church, no denomination of Christians 
in any city without its liouse of prayer, no congregation 
in any of the new settlements without the spiritual con- 
solation of a pastor. Religious instruction is obtained 
every where, at a comparatively cheap rate, without di- 
rectly taxing the people ; and the enormous sums which 
would be required for the maintenance of an established 
church circulate freely in commerce and manufactures, 
and contribute to the general prosperity of the country. 

Before I leave this subject, I ought, perhaps, to say at 



KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 47 

few words on the observation of the sabbath. No univer- 
sal practice exists, in this respect, in the United States; 
the Northern and Western States following the example 
of England, or rather of Scotland, whilst the extreme 
south are yet adhering to their original French manner of 
considering Sunday as a day of amusement.* A sabbath 
in New England is peculiarly impressive and solemn, but 
at the same time, so cheering, that I do not remember 
having spent, in Europe, a day half so satisfactorily. It 
is only by contrast that the real merit of religious insti- 
tutions may be duly appreciated; and especially those of 
the Americans. 

The sabbath was instituted for the poor. As the gos- 
pel was preached to them in order to dir.ect their hearts 
to heaven, as the period of their sufferings and the reward 
of their toils, so the keeping of the sabbath was to alle- 
viate their bodily hardships below ; once a weekj at least, 
the rich are to render thanks to the Almighty for the kind 
dispensation of His providence ; but, on that day, the 
poor also are to rejoice in a partial exemption from labor, 
and even the beasts of the field are to be reclaimed from 
the yoke of their owners. It is the day on which all na- 
ture is to sanctify the Lord by the universal happiness of 
His creatures. I have always looked upon the sabbath 
as the most democratic feature in the whole Christian re- 
ligion. On the sabbath all aristocratic distinctions of 
rank and fortune are to be forgotten. The jrowerful are 
to be humbled before the Lord, and the meanest of man- 
kind exalted to a momentary equality with the highest of 
their fellow beings, by worshipping the Father of all, in 
the common capacity of His children. 

" The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the 
sabbath." Mark ii. 27. 

As a religious and political institution, it is alike une- 
qualled in church or state ; and, on this account, the Amer- 
icans, and especially the people of New England, have, at 
an early period, directed to it the whole wisdom of their 
legislation. 

* A notion is sufficiently prevalent in England that the Catholics 
alone indulge in amusements on the sabbath ; but the Protestant parts 
of Germany, and many of Switzerland, have adopted the same prac- 
tice. 



48 



KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 



It has been the established maxim of the "Pilgrim fa- 
thers'* that the principles and doctrines of revealed reli- 
gion constitute the broadest and safest basis of every ra- 
tional system of liberty. No sooner, therefore, had they 
organised themselves into a political community than they 
enacted a series of laws for the strict observation of the 
sabbath ; and althouo;h many of them were not marked 
by the spirit of liberality of the present age, they were, 
nevertheless, of incalculable advantage in practice ; and 
did more for the preservation of the infant colony than 
any other provision which, at that time, tSiey could have 
made for that purpose.* The religious principles incul- 
cated at the solemn meetings of the people on that day, 
created a unity of faith and sentiment, which gave their 
deliberations and actions that singleness of purpose, which 
alone enabled them to triumph over all obstacles which 
the soil and the climate had placed in the way of their 
progress. 

It cannot be objected that other religious institutions, 
besides the sabbath, might have been capable of produc- 
ing the same salutary eiiect ; or that religion might have 
been taught and practised at all times, without appoint- 
ing a particular day for that purpose. An observance 
generally enjoined is more apt to be neglected and forgot 
ten than one commanded at specified periods. A duty 
which we are required to perform at a certain time is always 
more impressive than one to which we are rendered familiar 

* Amongst the earliest laws for the observation of the sabbath were 
these : 

" Whoever profaneth the sabbath after admonition, pays, for the first 
offence, 5s. ; for the second, 10s. ; and to be bound over to the County 
Court for the third. Governors of youth imder seven years, to suffer 
for them. 

" Drinking and sporting on Saturdays, after sunset, pays 5s,; persons 
refusing to pay, must suffer corporeal punishment as^the Court deter- 
mines. 

" No work to be done on the sabbath, on penalty of 10s, for the first of- 
fence, to be doubled for every following one. 

" To travel to a meeting, not allowed by law, is a profanation of the 
sabbath. 

" Whoever sells drink to a person, except to a stranger, in time of a 
lecture, pays 5s. 

" Constables may search for offenders on the Lord's day; they forfeit 
10s. for any neglect," 

Neal's History of New England^ London, 1720. 



KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 49 

by daily usage. No legislator would entrust the safety of 
a state to the liahit of its representatives to assemble for 
the purpose of enacting laws ; but would specify the pe~ 
riod on which they are to discharge their duty without 
fail. Besides, it is impossible to make laws capable of 
embracing generalities, or of binding men to certain uni- 
versal principles of morality and religion. If a law be 
not enacted for a specific purpose, which it is distinctly to 
state, with all its bearings on those whom it is to guide, 
no true obedience to it can be enforced ; and it can only 
serve to bring the Legislator into contempt. A law, 
recommending, in general terms, the principles of the 
Christian religion, would be of little more force than one 
enjoining all men to be good, or to abstain from evil. We 
are to know in what religion consists, and by v/hat exter- 
nal evidence we are to judge of its being practised. No 
testimony can, in this respect, be more solemn and uni- 
versal than an act of public worship ; and nothing more 
satisfactory than a repetition of it at stated periods. For 
this reason, it has been the practice of all nations to fix 
upon certain times for the exercise of their religious rites, 
which were considered as national distinctions, and as so 
many means of instilling patriotism and virtue. The his- 
tory of every country is intimately connected with that of 
its religious progress ; and it is a fact not less remarkable 
than instructive, that the period of the greatest religious 
devotion of a people is always coeval with its heroic age. 
The sabbath of the Jews was long the rallying point of 
their religion, under the banners of which they accom- 
plished all their victories, and which, while they kept it 
unsullied, protected them against every assailing power. 
With the early Christians, the observation of the Lord's 
day was scarcely of less moment, and became subsequent- 
ly one of th-e characterising distinctions of the different 
sects. Each denomination of Christians celebrated it ac- 
cording to their peculiar form of worship, and availed it- 
self of its recurrence as a means of propagating their doc- 
trines and principles. The observation of the sabbath be- 
came associated and identified with the religion to which 
it gave support, and contributed powerfully to the forma- 
tion of the Christian character. 

When the dissenters became the object of the most un- 
5 



50 



KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 



relenting persecution in England, the sabbath became the 
day of their spiritual comfort. On tliat day they gather- 
ed strength to bear the sufferings to which they were ex- 
posed, and fortified themselves against the trials which 
awaited them in the future. This is the reason why, im- 
mediately after having effected a settlement in America, 
for the free exercise of their religious worship, they turn- 
ed their attention to the strict observation of the sabbath. 
On the Lord's day the whole of their little community was 
assembled to implore the blessings of Providence on their 
infant state, alike struggling against famine and the cru- 
elty of the Indians. With them, it was, at once, a reli- 
gious, political, and social institution, creative of a kind 
of patriarchal feeling for which their descendants are yet 
remarkable. It is to this feeling I would allude, in speak- 
ing of a New England sabbath. 

Much of the original severity of religious discipline has, 
indeed, yielded to sentiments of greater liberality and for- 
bearance ; enough, however, is yet remaining to reflect 
the customs and habits of the first settlers. The sabbath 
is no longer a day of mere " humiliation and prayer, " but 
also of" thanksgiving and rejoicing ;" yet partaking of all 
the gravity which distinguishes the character of the New 
Engiander. Whatever change the feelings of the people 
may have undergone, the external forms of worship are 
still preserved, and give to the whole a solemn dignity, 
which cannot but increase their respect for public wor- 
aJiip. 

Sunday is ushered in by a universal stillness on the 
evening of Saturday. The theatres are closed ; the 
sound of music and of revel is alike hushed; and the mem- 
bers of the different families assemble and fill up the pe- 
riod of cessation from labor with cheerful and friendly 
conversation. Strangers are not usually admitted to those 
circles; but those who are, will leave them with feelings 
of reverence. I was neither born in New England, nor liv- 
ed there at a very early period of my life ; but I can easily 
conceive them to beget a strong attachment to home, and 
to fill the mind with reminiscences which, wherever a 
New Engiander may wander, will associate the idea of 
the sabbath with the happiest dreams of his childhood. 
On Sunday itself, the quiet and stillness of the eve contin- 



KEEPING OF THE SABBATH. 51 

ue till after the evening lecture, when a certain portion 
of the people relax from the severity of religious perform- 
ances, by joining a small party of friends and relatives, 
similar to that in which other families indulge on the 
evening of Saturday. These rewmows are far from being 
marked by noise and merriment. No music or song is 
heard, save the sacred composition of the German mas- 
ters, and the ruling character of the whole is happiness 
and peace. 

In the other cities of the United States, the Lord's day 
is observed as in England. The shops are closed ; the 
chiming of bells invites to fore and afternoon service ; the 
people are moving to church to worship God, each ac- 
cording to the dictates of his own conscience ; in short, 
every thing indicates the worship of pious Christians : but 
the pecular spirit of peace of a New England sabbath is 
wanting, and, I feel sure, is not to be found in any other 
part of the world. In some parts of the Southern states, 
I have seen the sabbath kept in a manner still more rigor- 
ous than in any town of New England; yet I could not 
catch the inspiration, which, though a stranger, educated 
under different influences, and in a different religion, I 
often felt during my long residence in Boston, 



CHAPTER III. 



RECEPTION OF FOREIGNERS IN THE UNITED STATES. THE 

ENGLISH, SCOTCH, IRISH, GERMANS, FRENCH, ITALIANS, 
AND SPANIARDS. AMERICAN PREJUDICES. THEIR OR- 
IGIN, 



When thousands of emigrants, of all nations, are an- 
nually embarking for America, with the determined pur- 
pose of making it their home, the question would natural- 
ly arise, whether, on their arrival thither, they may all ex- 
pect the same welcome ; and, if there exist any prejudices 
with regard to the inhabitants of the different countries of 
Europe, in whose favor, or to whose detriment they are 
established. It might also be proper to inquire whether 
these prejudices are purely of a national character, in 
which case they would refer to the moral habits of the 
people ; or, whether they relate more to certain profes- 
sions more exclusively practised by some of them, and re- 
pugnant to the feelings of Americans. In either case, the 
inquiry would be interesting and useful ; as it might not 
only serve to put foreigners in America on their guard, 
but explain also a number of peculiarities in the inter- 
course of Americans with strangers, which, by most trav- 
ellers, have been traced to a wrong source. 

That the Americans have prejudices, I do not pretend 
to deny ; what nation is entirely free from them ? — though 
a great number of these must be put to the account of 
their ancestors; and the remainder is proportionably 
small, as their intercourse with foreign nations is great, 
and the means of information extensively diffused 
throughout their country. A large portion of these con- 



AMERICAN PREJUDICES. 53 

sist, howev^er, in retaliations on the prejudices of others, 
and especially on those of the English. 

The Americans are proud of having achieved their in- 
dependence, proud of the moral and political progress of 
their country since that period, proud of the wealth and 
power they have acquired, and exceedingly jealous lest 
other nations, and particularly those whose opinions they 
value most, should not give them sufficient credit for wis- 
dom, perseverance, and patriotism. The Americans 
cannot persuade themselves that the English will ever do 
them justice, (and it must be confessed that hitherto little 
jjjstice has been done to them,) and are, therefore, more 
frequently guilty of solecisms of deportment with regard to 
them than towards any other nation with whom they come 
ill contact. A German or a Frenchman might reside for 
years in the United States without being struck with those 
traits of Americans, which prove, sometimes, annoying to 
the English. He might, perhaps, complain of their na- 
tional prejudices in other respects ; but the complaint 
would arise from a different source, and would be similar 
to that which might be caused by a residence in England. 
I will explain. 

There <^^ists, in America, as, perhaps, in every other 
civilized Ci untry, a strong prejudice in favor of the Eng- 
lish nation. The Americans love and admire British 
thoughts and conceptions, which they have chosen for 
their permanent models ; they entertain a high respect 
for British customs and laws, on which they have estab- 
lished their own, and cherish a proud remembrance of 
the achievements of that glorious people from whom they 
are themselves descended. They allow, in many instaa- 
ces, the superiority of the English over themselves ; but 
they are too well informed to apply the same distinction 
indiscriminately to individuals. 

An American, in his private capacity, will receive any 
stranger with politeness, and is always willing to dis- 
tinguish individuals in proportion to their reputation and 
acquirements. In the words of Mr. Hamilton, " he is 
quite aware of high breeding, when he sees it ;''^ but he is 
the last ready to pay homage to any man, merely " be- 
cause England has produced him." This, however, is pre- 
cisely what most Englishmen expect; and they are, 
5* 



54 AMERrCAN PREJUDICES 

therefore, often bitterly disappointed. Few English 
gentlemen of reputation, however, will visit America with- 
out meeting with a cordial reception, bearing witness of 
the prejudice which is there established in their favor. 
The Americans are, on all such occasions, anxious to 
make the most favorable impressions ; but are, perhaps, 
inclined to praise and even exaggerate the advantages of 
their country, from the known propensity of their guests 
to make the most liberal discount. 

Many anomalies of conduct of which they are found 
guilty towards the English, arise from the conviction that 
their usual simplicity of manners would be apt to be mis- 
construed ; and that the English, accustomed to judge all 
people by their owai conventional standard, will not make 
allowances for those changes which the difference of the 
climate, the political institutions of their country, and 
the early habits of the people may have rendered neces- 
sary. In such cases, therefore, they endeavor to copy 
Europeans au pied de la leltre^ and thereby furnish, them- 
selves, the standard by which they are but too often con- 
demned. The Americans are not often guilty of a 
similar error v/ith regard to Europeans from the Conti- 
nent. To them they show themselves as they are, and 
are even proud of their national peculiarities. The con- 
sequence is a greater freedom of manners, and a degree 
of cordiality which is seldom experienced by Englishmen. 
Few distinguished Germans or Frenchmen would bestow 
so much philosophical criticism and analysis on the man- 
mers of those who receive them with kindness and hospi- 
tality: they would find in the civil and political institutions 
of America enough to arrest their attention ; and enjoy 
at least this advantage over the English, that they might 
converse with Americans without being taken for spies. 

Amongst the number of works which have been pub- 
lished in England, on the United States of America, it is 
really surprising to see the quantity of space devoted to 
the subject of "manners;" and this not to the manners 
of the people in general, hui (with the exception of Mrs. 
Trollope) to those of the fashionable coteries. Is this 
not sufficient to justify the belief of Americans that the 
English are abusive critics, whose severity increases even 
with the obligation conferred upon them to win their 



WITH REGARD TO THE ENGLISH. 55 

good will? The Americans, in return, are guilty of an- 
other injustice ; they ascribe the abusive character to the 
British NATION, when, in fact, it is the peculiar gift of 
individuals^ who, dissatisfied with their own country, are 
travelling over the Continents of Europe and America in 
order to annoy themselves at leisure, and occasionally 
publish a book to defray a part of their expenses. Cen- 
sure to them is as natural as the sting to the scorpion, 
and it is even dangerous to approach them by way of ren- 
dering them a service. On their way they abuse every 
thing that is not English ; on their return to England, 
every thing that is English ; and when they think of the 
future, every thing that loill be English in less than a 
century. We must look to the political doctrines of these 
gentlemen for an interpretation of their sentiments as 
regards society. We shall find that their attachment to 
every thing claimed by age is perfectly legitimate ; that 
they are themselves travelling antiquities, belonging to 
an age that is past ; and that,' consequently, America is 
much too young to merit their serious attention. Her 
achievements require no herald, though they may be suf- 
ficient for a chronicle. 

Nothing, indeed, can be more gratuitous than the ex- 
traordinary pains which the Americans take to please 
foreigners, who are to give an account of their country. 
Tourists, especially from England, are literally loaded 
with civilities ; and, perhaps, the more kindly received 
by the fashionable coteries of the large cities, as their stay 
is expected to be short, and their grateful returns as ever- 
lasting as paper and ink can render them. In this man- 
ner a number of individuals may hope to be introduced to 
the English public, whose fame, were it confined to 
America, could hardly be wrested from oblivion, and 
whose wise sayings would never be known to the world, 
were they not quoted as valuable specimens of American 
sapience. 

No sooner is the arrival of some English literati gazett- 
ed in America than all is bustle and confusion ; and the 
question is seriously debated in what manner they must 
be received, and what sacrifices ought to be made in 
order to win their good opinion. Invitations and visits 
crowd upon them, and they can actually find no time to 



56 RECEPTION OF ENGLISH LITERATI^ 

observe what is truly interesting. From the time of their 
landing to the hour of their departure, they are never left 
alone, and have, therefore, no opportunity of seeing 
America as it is, but as it is slioion tO' them. The Ameri- 
cans are then sitting for their portraits ^ and, as is usual on 
such occasions, contort their features either in an unnatu- 
ral frown, or disfigure them by an insignificant simper, 
ill suited to their habits of business and reflection. Under 
such circumstances an accurate likeness can hardly be 
expected from the most accomplished artists, much less 
from the pseudo dilettanti who have lately travelled to 
those regions. 

But the task of an English tourist is rendered doubly 
difficult by the inordinate adulation with which his vanity 
is pampered. He must imagine himself really a great 
man, when he sees the elite of a nation willing to pay him 
homage, in order to be entitled to a portion of his favor. 
He is made the arbiter of their political and religious dis- 
sensions, and is expected either to become the apostle of 
their fame, or the rigid censor of their public and private 
morals. Both, the Americans and the tourist, are put in 
a false position ; and if the former are disappointed in 
seeino^ themselves caricatured, the mortification of the 
latter must be equally great, when, on his returp to 
England, he finds himself divested of his imaginary pow- 
er, and his ofus magnum levelled to an equality with the 
ephemeral f)roductions of the day. The incurable wounds 
which he thought to inflict on the Americans are scarcely 
felt, except by a few of those who see their hospitality so 
ill requited ; and the great bulk of the nation is quietly 
progressing onward, in their happy simplicity hardly 
suspecting that any one has been aiming a blow at them. 

That some of the writers on American society thought 
it in their power to injure the United States past all 
recovery, is sufficiently evident from the dedication of 
the learned author of " Men and Manners," to William 
Wolryche Whitmore, Esq., M. P. 

" But," says our author, "when I found the institutions 
and experience of the United States deliberately quoted 
in the reformed parliament, as affording safe precedent 
for British legislation, and learning that the drivellers 
who uttered such nonsense, instead of encountering 



ENGLISH WRITERS ON AMERICA. 57 

merited derision, were listened to wilh patience and ap- 
probation, by men as ignorant as themselves, I certainly 
did feel that another work on America was yet wanted, 
and at once determined to undertake a task which inferior 
considerations would probably have induced me to decline.^'' 

Would one not be led to infer, from this dedicatory epis- 
tle, that he thought it as easy to make the quietus of a nation 
as to despatch a novel ? The event, however, must have 
convinced him of his error; as it may, perhaps, persuade 
the Americans that justice would sooner be done to them 
if they were to show themselves more indifferent on trial, 
and less anxious to win the good opinion of their judges. 

But the prejudices in favor or against Englishmen 
which exist amongst the fashionable coteries of the United 
States are not the same as those which belong to the la- 
boring classes ; and the civilities with which an English 
gentleman is loaded, on his first arrival in America, un- 
dergo a material change, from the time he intends to 
become a resident, or to enter into competition with the 
natives. He will then find, that in proportion as the elite 
recede from him, the middle classes are ready to receive 
him. He will find no difficulty in procuring patrons and 
friends, and no prejudices to debar his success, provided 
it be based on individual exertion, and not upon national 
preference. 

The Americans are always ready to associate with 
Englishmen on terms of equality ; they are willing to 
consider English as part of their own family ; but they 
will not pardon overweening conceit, and are most un- 
compromising on questions of a national complexion. 
The Americans, of all people in the world, are the 
readiest to take and resent an insult ; but they are more 
particularly sensitive with regard to the offences of the 
English. If any such be given by a person of notoriety, 
it will be prudent for him to avoid the popular revenge. 
His best friends will not be able to protect him from in- 
jury, and the wisest plan for him to adopt will be to make 
a speedy reparation. I write this particularly for the 
benefit of certain actors who may visit the United States 
for the purpose of paying their debts. Let them not 
abuse the popular favor which their talents are sure to 
receive ; let them be guarded in their language, not only 



58 ANTIPATHY TO ENGLISH CUSTOMS. 

on the stage, but also in their private intercourse with 
Americans ; let them not consider the condition of any 
man so low as to be unable to injure them; in one word, 
let them keep out of the debt of the people ; for the peo- 
ple will make themselves paid. 

Nor is it always popular violence which, in such cases, 
is most to be dreaded. Whenever a national insult is 
given, the Americans of all classes unite to punish the 
offender. His career in the United States is blasted for- 
ever, and he is, at once, banished from society, to which 
neither fortune nor cleverness will be able to procure him 
a second introduction. But if the Americans are thus 
severe in their punishment, they are equally generous in 
their reward of forbearance. Their favor is easily won, 
and still more easily preserved. They claim of the 
English but that which the English claim of every other 
nation in the world — a compliance with their rules and 
customs, and a total abstinence from censure ; for which, 
in return, they are willing to make every honest conces- 
sion, and even those public acknowledgments which it 
would be impossible to extort from them by derision and 
scorn. 

The customs and peculiarities of the English are not 
generally liked in the United States ; and a settlement of 
several hundreds of them in one place would excite con- 
siderably more jealousy than one of so many thousand 
Germans. The reason is this. The Germans have their 
peculiar habits, which, however, they are careful not to 
obtrude upon others. They persevere in them, not be- 
cause they think them superior to those of other nations, 
but merely because they are accustomed to them, and do 
not like to quit the early companions of their childhood. 
This is perfectly well understood in America, and, there- 
fore, no fears entertained of their ever attempting to make 
proselytes. The French, too, have their peculiarities ; 
but their notion of good breeding forbids their exhibiting 
them wherever they might give private or public offence. 
Not so with the English. They glory in the most trifling 
difference between themselves and other nations ; because 
they are accustomed to consider that difference in their 
favor. They obtrude it, therefore, constantly, on the 
uotice of others, or, at least, take no pains to soften it& 



ANTIPATHY TO ENGLISH CUSTOMS. 59 

appearance. They heed not the feelings of others, or are 
so much in the habit of considering every other people 
inferior to themselves, that they care not, if, by chance, 
they give offence. In Europe they pay for this arrogance 
with money ; in America wiih the loss of personal con- 
sideration. 

It is true, there are ample apologies for the conduct of 
the English. They are really, in most respects, superior to 
other nations, and especially to their neighbors on the 
Continent. They enjoy, in the first place, a greater de- 
gree of political freedom than any other people, save the 
Americans, in the world. They have produced the 
ablest statesmen, the wisest legislators, and (with few ex- 
ceptions) the bravest and most skilful commanders of 
armies and navies. Their philosophers have been the 
glory of the human mind, and have wrested more truths 
from nature than all other sages combined together. 
They can boast of the most manly and classical literature 
of the moderns, and may, perhaps, add that there is not 
a valuable thought which the human mind is capable of 
conceiving which is not already, and most happily, ex- 
pressed in the English languages. They have surpassed 
all other nations in the mechanic arts, and have become 
equally superior in every thing relating to manufactures. 
They have increased the facilities of commerce by the es- 
tablishment of powerful colonies, and have (with probably 
but one exception) distinguished themselves for the hu- 
manity and justice with which they have governed them. 
They have carried the blessings of civilization and religion 
wherever they went, and established, in every clime, the 
glory of the British name. 

But in their intercourse with Americans, they ought to 
remember that the latter are of the same origin ; that 
they have not only the means, but also the disposition to 
imitate them in all that is great, and enough prudence 
and experience to avoid falling into the same errors. 
They ought to reflect, that if the Americans have as yet a 
comparatively small catalogue of great men, these men 
were, nevertheless, distinguished by the most exalted vir- 
tues, and that, on the other hand, there is no black list of 
names to detract from their national honor. They ought 
to consider that America is the country, which, eventual- 



60 RECEPTION OF THE SCOTCH. 

ly must rival even England, and that the Americans, con- 
scious of their physical and political advantages, are, 
perhaps, a little prone to anticipate the future. 

They have already entered upon a fair competition 
with the English in almost every branch of human indus- 
try; and, by the universal consent of all nations, become 
their peers in navigation and commerce. A people, pro- 
gressing with such rapid strides, is not apt to bear taunts 
with good nature, or allow others to constitute themselves 
masters of ceremonies. Their progress has been one of 
uninterrupted prosperity, and as long as this lasts, they 
will consider their policy and their customs, if not superi- 
or, at least equal, to those of any other nation. As re- 
publicans, they love their country with an enthusiastic 
ardor, which can only be understood and appreciated by 
those who have, themselves, a share in the government of 
their country. It is, therefore, neither wise nor expedi- 
ent to treat their peculiarities with contempt, or to wound 
their national pride by a too rigid adherence to a set of 
manners, which, from peculiar associations, have become 
irritating and offensive to the people. I do not mean to 
say that an Englishman in America must necessarily be 
a radical ; but if he means to become a citizen, (especial- 
ly in the Western States,) toryism will be less pardoned 
in him than in a native of America. He will create ene- 
mies without making himself friends ; while those who 
are his friends will not show their friendship in public. 
If he should undertake any thing, the success of which 
depends on the favor of the public, he will hardly be able 
to succeed ; and even in his social relations he will find 
himself deserted and alone. 

What I have said of the English will equally apply to 
the Scotch, though in such matters the latter seldom need 
admonition — their manners and customs being already 
similar to those of the New Englanders. They usually 
succeed in whatever they undertake, and hardly ever fail 
to make America their home. Most of them, on their 
arrival in the United States, are poor but industrious ; and 
having been emigrants before, have had sufficient instruc- 
tion, in the school of adversity, to bear success or ill-for- 
tune with equanimity and patience. They do not easily 
olTend the prejudices of the people among whom they 



RECEPTION OF THE BRITISH GENERALLY. 61 

hope to prosper, and, in general, understand their own 
interests too well to require advice from others. To the 
acquisitiveness of the New Englanders they join the great 
art of saving, which is the cause of their accumulating 
wealth with even greater facility than native Americans ; 
and it insures to them its quiet possession. Their senti- 
ments are generally in accordance with those of the 
majority of the people, and they are, therefore, doubly 
certain of meeting with that sympathy and hospitality 
which the Americans are always ready to extend to the 
natives of Britain. 

To sum up the argument, English and Scotch are re- 
ceived in America as relatives. Their younger brethren 
are willing to share with them the paternal estate. They 
love them, befriend them, assist them; in short, do ev- 
erything for them which one brother can for another; 
but they burst into indignation at the very mention of 
primogeniture, or the least attempt to claim, by right, what 
they are willing to concede from kindness. 

The Irish are, by the great majority of Americans, 
considered as an oppressed and injured people, which is 
sufficient to entitle them to the sympathies of freemen. 
It is true, the greater number of Irish who arrive in the 
United States are poor, and some of them tainted by the 
vices of poverty, which, in some of the states, have creat- 
ed a prejudice against them. But, considered collectively, 
they constitute a highly useful part of the American com- 
munity, and contribute, by their honest industry, to in- 
crease the wealth of the country. They perform the 
hardest labors at the lowest wages given in the United 
States, and are satisfied and happy to provide for them- 
selves and their children the bare necessaries of life. 
But it is even their being contented with little, and their 
less heeding the future, which render their actions and 
motives less acceptable to the Americans. The Ameri- 
cans (as I shall prove hereafter) are living altogether for 
their children. They are ready to make any sacrifice 
for the advancement of future generations, and love their 
country not as it is ; but as it will be made by their enter- 
prise and industry. The Irish, on the contrary, are by 
habit, inclination, and the vivacity of their temperaments. 



62 RECEPTION OP THE IRISH. 

inclined to enjoy the present. Their previous lives con- 
tain but the sordid catalogues of privations and distresses, 
and, on their emerging from the most cruel misery which 
ever extorted groans from a nation, they are apt — as all 
human creatures would be — to draw the first free breath 
with joy and exultation. Like Lazarus, they were ac- 
customed to feed upon the crumbs that fell from the rich 
man's table ; and now that they are invited to sit down, 
and partake themselves of the banquet, those rigid cen- 
sors stand by and scoff at their greedy appetites, A man 
whose morning meal consisted of capon can certainly 
await dinner with better grace, than he who went hungry 
to bed and awoke to breakfast on sorrow. Cheer to him 
is manna distilled from heaven, to support him on bis, way 
through the desert ; and he is eager to snatch at a gift of 
which he knows not when it will again be within his 
grasp. Excess is the companion of poverty, and its con- 
sequences perpetuate its direful existence. Misery they 
drown in stupefying potions ; for oblivion alone is the 
happiness of the damned. 

These are the vices of some of those wretches who are 
annually thrown upon the hospitality of the Americans. 
And shall America, the land of political and religious 
freedom, cast them from her * and let them perish, while 
a bounteous Providence has put in her possession the 
most fertile regions on earth, capable of supporting thou- 
sands and millions of human beings 1 And shall the sup- 
plications and prayers of these emigrants ascend up to 
heaven without invoking a blessing on the children of 
liberty ? Are their habits and their vices not to be cor- 
rected by improving their wretched condition 1 All human 
experience speaks loudly in the affirmative. Set before 
them the prospect of steady employment, the hope of not 
only earning a subsistence, but something more ; give their 
children an opportunity of education ; and you will 
breathe into them a new vivifying principle. Occupation 
will prevent the commission of crimes ; the influence of 
religion and good example will abolish the vice of in- 
temperance, and the facilities of instruction will make 

* In some of the States provisions have lately been made against the 
importation of foreign (Irish) paupers. 



PREJUDICES AGAINST THE IRISH. 63 

respectable citizens of their children. This is not decla- 
mation. I speak of facts which I know, and to which I 
shall have occasion to allude hereafter. 

The Irish in Boston are a remarkably orderly people. 
They are not usually given to intemperance ; but on the 
contrary, willing to aid in its suppression. If the annals 
of prisons and houses of correction furnish a larger num- 
ber of Irish than American names, it must be remember- 
ed that, in all countries, the greatest number of culprits 
is furnished by the poorer and the least educated classes, 
and that as strangers, unacquainted with the peculiar 
police regulations of the towns, they are more apt to 
trespass against the laws, and make themselves liable to 
punishment, than those who have been brought up under 
its influence, and with whom obedience to it has become 
a habit. 

Abstract numbers are no criterion of public morals. 
Hundreds of crimes against God and against man are not 
amenable to the law, while others, arising sometimes 
from innocent motives, are visited by its severest penal- 
ties. During the space of nearly ten years I have lived 
in Boston, but very few capital crimes were committed, 
and certainly not more than three or four considerable 
robberies and forgeries ; but not one of them, so far as 
my remembrance goes, has been perpetrated or abetted 
by an Irishman. Their offences consisted, principally, 
in disorderly conduct, and in infringing on the police 
regulations of the city. Theft they were rarely charged 
with ; and I am fully persuaded that were it not for the 
still too pernicious influence of ardent spirits, not one 
half of these acts would have been committed, and no 
stain left on the honest reputation of even the lowest of 
the Irish laborers. But, when we reflect upon the num- 
ber of crimes committed by the poor, we ought not to 
forget their exposed situation ; and when we praise the 
moral rectitude of the rich, we ought to consider the high 
premium which is paid to their virtue. It does not be- 
long to man to condemn a whole nation as vicious, or to 
pray,— 

" Lord, we thank Thee that we are not as these men 
are;" for they too will pray, and "the prayer of the 



64 ADVICE TO THE IRISH. 

poor shall be heard," as it is more likely to come from 
the heart. 

Who never ate his bread with tears, 
Who ne'er, through nights of bitter sorrow, 

Sat weeping on his wretched bed , 
He knows ye not, ye heavenly powers ! * 

But it is not so much the vices of the Irish, as their politi- 
cal principles, which prove sometimes offensive to Amer- 
icans. Some disturbances which of late arose in New 
York, at the election of the Governor, and in which the 
Irish unfortunately participated, furnished a certain party 
with a convenient pretext to ascribe their want of success 
to the destructive influence of the Irish. In consequence 
of this, a series of resolutions were adopted to prevent 
their occurrence in future. The subsequent election, how- 
ever, proved the insufficiency of the groundthey had tak- 
en ; for, not only did it pass without the public peace be- 
ing, for one moment, disturbed, but the majority for the 
geverninent \ra§ nearly doubled. But I shall not expa- 
tiate on this subject now, and will only remark that the 
Irish are naturally supposed to be in favor of democracy, 
having been, for centuries, the victims of the opposite 
doctrine. 

But, whatever be the character of some of the Irish 
emigrants, on their landing in. the United States, they all 
improve with their circumstances, and their children are 
found amongst the most peaceful and respectable citizens. 
There are Irish names in the History of America of 
which she must ever be proud, and which will act as me- 
diators between the angry feelings of a party, and the 
hospitable inclinations of a whole nation. 

Let the Irish, on their arrival in the United States, be, 
above all things, careful not to disturb the peace of the 
citizens, by revels of any kind ; let them remember that 
the Americans are proud of their voluntary submission to 
the law, and that they cannot respect those who habitual- 

* Wer nie sein Brot mit Thrfinen ass, 
Wer nie durch kiimmervolle Nachte 

Auf seinem Bette weinend sass 
Der kennt Euch nicht, Ihr himmlischen Machte ! 

Gothe's William Meister. 



ADVICE TO THE IRISH. 65 

ly infringe on them, or are given to excess of any kind. 
Let them abstain from all participation in political quar- 
rels, before they are able to form a correct opinion or to 
obtain sufficient information on the subject. Let them re- 
frain from violence of any kind, even if they should be 
provoked ; and let them not fight or break the peace with 
each other. If they should happen to be wronged, let 
them appeal to the law ; and the Americans will assured- 
ly procure them justice; for the Americans love peace, 
and liberty, and justice, more^ than any people in the 
world. 

If there exist prejudices against the Irish, they are 
principally founded on their readiness to avenge their own 
wrongs. Let them remember that there is no occasion 
for it in the United States ; for America never assumed 
more jurisdiction over them than over her own citizens ; 
but, on the contrary, received them with generous hospi- 
tality, and entitled them to all the privileges of her own 
children. They must be aware that they remain guests 
till the period prescribed by the law shall have entitled 
them to the honor of citizens, and that they are, conse- 
quently, bound not to abuse the hospitality of their enter- 
tainers by disregarding their rules of society, or meddling 
with their family dissensions. 

If a dispute should arise amongst the Americans them- 
selves, let them remain neutral, until, as naturaUzed citi- 
zens, they shall have become members of the same fam- 
ily ; and even then let them imitate the forbearance and 
moderation of Americans. In this manner they will win 
golden opinions from all parties, and establish a reputa- 
tion which will recross the Atlantic, and combat preju- 
dices, which, in Europe itself, are detrimental to the pro- 
gress and final emancipation of their country. They 
have already made a noble beginning in Boston. Let it 
be imitated throughout the United States— nay, let it be 
imitated in Ireland itself; and their worst enemies will 
be obliged to render them '^justice,''' 

Few words need be said about the French in the United 
States. Not only is emigration from France exceedingly 
limited, but those who do emigrate are so seldom inclined 
to interfere with the policy of the country that, as a po- 
litical party, (with the exception of the French Creoles 



66 CHARACTER OF FRENCH SETTLERS. 

ill Louisiana,) they are hardly forcing themselves on the 
notice of Americans. The French do not take an active 
part in politics, at least nothing to compare with the En- 
glish or the Germans, and, where they cannot conform to 
the customs of the country, follow their own with so much 
modesty and so little intrusion on the established rules of 
society, that their conduct is approved and commended 
in every part of the country. 

In Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and New Or- 
leans, French society is not only numerous, but of the 
highest respectability; and as much may be said of the 
French society of New York. But in all these places, 
except New Orleans, they have exchanged the fashions 
of France for the more substantial customs of America; 
or, at least, blended them with the English, and thereby 
produced a mixture which I cannot but think an improve- 
ment on social intercourse in general. 

As to the French poor, who resort to America as a 
means of improving their condition, they are known to 
be remarkably peaceful and industrious. They possess 
the art of being contented with less than almost any oth- 
er people, and their whole lives offer, sometimes, instances 
of the utmost frugality and continued self-denial. This 
applies also to the French emigrants who have seen better 
days in Europe. It has been my good fortune to become 
acquainted with some of these gentlemen, who, during 
the empire, had held distinguished ranks in Buonaparte's 
army. They were all distinguished by a peculiar meek- 
ness of demeanor, and a total absence of that acidity of 
temper which is but too frequently engendered by sudden 
reverses of fortune. When addressed on the subject of 
their exile, they would answer with the utmost patience^ 
and accompany their explanations with some of those 
smiles of which it was difficult to determine whether they 
were produced by the irony of their fate or the unsuspect- 
ing simplicity of the inquirer. They evinced an entire 
resignation to their lot, which enabled them to enjoy life 
in a new form, and under different auspices, though the 
affections of their hearts were still fastened to the beauti- 
ful land of their nativity. 

Yet, with all these amiable qualities of the French, the 
English are generally preferred to them in almost every 



PREJUDICES AGAINST THE FRENCH. 67 

employment, except the teaching of their native language 
and other fashionable accomplishments in which they are 
known to excel. A Frenchman, on his arrival in the 
United States, must depend more on the patronage of his 
own countrymen, or such Americans as have visited, or 
resided in France, than on a popular feeling in his favor. 
The Americans have inherited the prejudice from their 
ancestors that gravity of deportment is inseparable from 
solidity of character ; and they cannot, therefore, per- 
suade themselves that the French, with their fondness for 
public amusements, can combine those essential domestic 
virtues with the continuance of which they associate the 
welfare of their country, and the stability of their politi- 
cal institutions. Neither are the Americans converts to 
the philosophy of Rousseau and Voltaire ; but are, unfor- 
tunately, in the habit of beholding in every Frenchman 
a true disciple of these masters. 

French reasoning and French doctrines are not in 
vogue in the United States ; neither is the political expe- 
rience of France in very high repute with American 
Statesmen. If the French revolution has advanced the 
cause of liberty in Europe, it has had a chilling influence 
on the ardor of its votaries in America. It has made a 
portion of the Americans doubt their own sentiments, 
and filled even the mind of Washington with anxious ap- 
prehensions of the future. The murdered victims of the 
French revolution were nigh acting on the Americans as 
Caesar's wounds on the Romans, and their spirits are, to 
this moment, haunting the Senate Chamber of the Capi- 
tol. Were it not for the awful warning of the Modern 
History of France, democracy in America would have 
met with less opposition, and would have been established 
quietly, without the assistance of a party. 

The French, then, are looked upon with suspicion, 
though, in a national point of view, they are much admir- 
ed and caressed. The Americans are too honest and 
just, not to bow to their genius; but they are slow of im- 
itation while having the example of the British. They 
prefer English routine to French philosophy, and are 
more willing to follow a precedent than to establish a new 
doctrine. I do not think that the French will ever make 
proselytes in America ; though the agreeableness of their 



68 CHARACTER OF GERMAN SETTLERS* 

manners, and the peculiar charm of their conversation> 
will always insure them the most favorable reception at 
the drawing-rooms. 

The Germans and Dutch are old settlers in the United 
States, and have, in a measure, acquired a legitimate 
right to the soil. The Dutch, as is well known, settled 
New York and a considerable portion of New Jersey, 
before the colony was conquered by the English, and be- 
came the property of the Duke of York. The Germans, 
also, were amongst the earliest settlers of Pennsylvania, 
and amongst the most pious and virtuous quakers who 
had been converted by the preaching of William Penn.* 
They introduced the manufacture of paper, linen and 
woollen cloth, f and were, from the earliest period of the 
colony, amongst those who contributed most to its wealth 
and prosperity. Germantown was entirely founded by 
Germans, previous to the establishment of Philadelphia, 
and descendants of those settlers, or new emigrants from 
Germany, are now conducting the principal manufactur- 
ing establishments in that city. 

The Germans fought with the Americans in the early 
wars against the Indians, | and assisted them in their 
struggle for independence. They raised amongst them- 
selves several regiments of militia, and shared the fatigues 
of Washington's army in the long war of the revolution. § 
The question with regard to them, therefore, is no longer 
whether they shall be tolerated, or what hopes they may 
have of success 1 — they are citizens, who have already 
succeeded. They, are, moreover, possessed of political 
power; for, having, at an early period of their settlement, 
adopted the plan of remaining together, they have 
brought whole districts under their influence ; and there 
are now villages in the states of Pennsylvania and Ohio, 
and even in the new state of Illinois, where no other lan- 
guage is spoken but their own. 

Their power is derived from the possession of the soil, 
and the remarkable union which prevails in their senti- 
ments. It is, indeed, a gratifying spectacle to see those 
Germans, who from the time of Tacitus to the present 

• Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 

t Ibid. t Ibid. 

§ Botta. Storia della giierra delV independenza. 



CHARACTER OF GERMAN SETTLERS. 09 

day, could not unite on any uniform government of their 
own, rally cheerfully round the banner of the American 
republic, and uphold it as their guide and their law. I 
know that they love that republic with all the fervor with 
which their brethren in Europe are attached to their ideal 
Germany, which, as yet, exists only in song.* Neither 
do the Americans themselves doubt the sincerity of their 
attachment to their adopted country, though some may 
differ from them as to the manner in which it ought to be 
manifested. I shall give, hereafter, my views on the po- 
litical character of the Germans, and their influence on 
the government of the United States, from which it will 
appear, that, much as it may be deprecated by one party, 
it is gratefully hailed by the other. 

Neither is the power of the Germans stationary, but, 
on the contrary, increasing constantly in numbers and 
possessions. Thousands of Germans are annually emi- 
grating to the United States; and thousands of them pur- 
chase real estates, or acquire them by persevering indus- 
try. They do not disperse and become mixed with the 
Americans, l?ut increase the settlements which are already 
established by their countrymen, or settle in their imme- 
diate neighborhood. They are, therefore, in the very 
outset less dependent on the Americans than on their own 
brethren, from whom they derive the principal means of 
support. Their own countrymen undertake their instruc- 
tion in the rules and regulations of the country, and, be- 
ing for the most part, sturdy democrats, teach them to re- 
frain from all measures not in strict accordance with that 
doctrine. 

Their sentiments are easily explained. The Germans, 
even in Europe, are more fit for a republican government 
than any other nation on the continent. Their habits, 
inclinations, morals, and, above all, their superior educa- 

* The English know the patriotic song of Arndt^ 

" Where is the German fatherland 1 
Wherever the German tongue is spoken^ 
And sings songs to God in heaven, &c. 

Wasist des Deutschen Vaterland 1. 
So weit die Deutsche Zunge klingt, 
Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt/' &c. 



70 CHARACTER OF GERMAN SETTLERS. 

tion, render them fit for a democratic republic. For near- 
ly twenty-five years their efforts were directed towards a 
gradual improvement of their social and political institu- 
tions ; and amongst the most ardent partisans for improve- 
ment were three-fourths of the talent, enterprise and 
learning of all Germany. Were the Germans united un- 
der one government, the largest standing army could not 
have withstood their movement, for it has communicated 
itself to all classes, and, in part, even to the army itself. 
There is no opposition to it, except from the ignorant and 
vulgar ; because even those whose interest it is to prevent 
the spreading of liberal doctrines are convinced of their 
moral and philosophical justice, and differ from the rest 
only as to the manner in which they are to be applied in 
practice. 

Even the rulers of Germany are tacitly admitting their 
truth, and relent in the persecution of those who have sin- 
ned against sacred majesty. Many German princes have, 
at least, given a semblance of a constitution to their sub- 
jects. They have surrendered the riglit of arbitrary tax- 
ation, and would, perhaps, have done more, if Austria 
and Prussia had allowed it. But, whatever the form of 
government in Germany may be, the abstract rights of 
the governed, and the sacred obligations of the rulers, 
were always implicitly admitted. I do not remember 
having read an imperial decree of Austria, in which the 
emperor did not undertake to justify his motives to his 
people, in order to convince them that he is taxing them 
for their own good. 

There is, in truth, this peculiarity in the character of 
Germans, that they can neither act against, nor ever act, 
except from conviction. They are most intrepid when 
convinced of the rectitude of their intentions ; but they 
are totally incapable of motion before the principle itself 
is established. Their strength is derived from their con- 
sciences, and not from the degree of exaltation of which 
their passions are capable. Hence, reform in Germany 
has not begun with an appeal to national glory or cupid- 
ity ; but with the establishment of truths in the minds of 
the people. It has altogether been of an intellectual na- 
ture ; but, in that sense, it has, perhaps, progressed fur- 
ther than in any other country. Its action has, indeed^ 



PREJUDICES AGAINST THE GERMANS. 71 

been too much confined to education and literature ; but 
by these means it will not less find its way to all classes ; 
and what shall once have become the unanimous will of 
the nation, will be with difficulty withheld by their rulers. 
But the Germans will, for a long time yet, abstain from 
positive violence, in which they have as little faith as their 
Saxon kindred the English. They will not pull down one 
edifice before they have erected another ; but, like the 
British, prefer a " coat with many patches" to one which 
does not fit. 

With these characteristics of the Germans we shall 
find no difficulty in comprehending the position they have 
taken in the United States. The democratic principles 
of the American government agreed perfectly with their 
notions of right, justice and humanity ; and they have, 
therefore, embraced them with the same holy faith with 
which their ancestors clung to the principles of the refor- 
mation. They are morally convinced of their excellence ; 
and instead of ratiocinating and subtilizing about them, 
believe in them as they do in their Bible, and transmit 
their faith to their children. Every new comer is initi- 
ated into their creed, and soon becomes a convert to it ; 
for if he should not, they would shun him as given to idol- 
atry. In this manner the doctrine spreads with the ex- 
tent of the territory they occupy; but they never over- 
step their boundary, or obtrude their faith on the Ameri- 
cans. So far from preaching their doctrines to the in- 
habitants of other states, they are satisfied with enjoying 
liberty at home; and, instead of acting as a moving prin- 
ciple in the political councils of the nation, their influence 
is only felt by the masses which they oppose to, or employ 
in favor of, a particular measure. 

Yet, with all their quietude and forbearance, they have 
not been able to escape from sarcasm and ridicule, and 
the terms "high" and "low Dutch" are applied to them 
in all the various significations of which they are capable. 
The feelings of an educated German are not very nicely 
touched by certain figurative expressions from the lips of 
ladies ; such as " a regular Dutch figure," (meaning the 
reverse of Mdlle. Taglioni ;) "a Dutch face," (some- 
what quadrangular and full of listless simplicity ;) " a 
Dutch head," (not one of Raflfaello da Urbino's; but 



72 PREJUDICES AGAINST THE GERMANS. 

square at the top with large bumps behind the ears, indic- 
ative of gentle resistance ;) "a Dutch mouth," (capable 
of holding a common-sized orange without injuring the 
skin;) " a jOi(^c/i foot," (the highest American concep- 
tion of magnitude and expansion;) "Dutch manners," 
(any thing but good breeding,) &c. These epithets are 
sometimes inadvertently used in the presence of Germans 
from Europe, when the mistake will be instantly repaired 
by assuring them that they do not apply to them, but to 
their awkward countrymen in Pennsylvania. The Ger- 
mans, however, are far from taking these sallies in dudg- 
eon, but, on the contrar3% concede to the fair satirists the 
most unrivalled superiority in wit, beauty and accomplish- 
ments. 

With regard to the American prejudices for, or against 
Germans, I can only say that some are highly favorable ; 
but others decidedly against my countrymen. I shall be- 
gin with those in their favor. These exist principally in 
the Northern States, and especially in New England. To 
a more limited extent they are also to be found to the 
south, and more particularly in South Carolina. The 
New Englanders and the southern planters are acquaint- 
ed with German literature, and transfer a portion of their 
regard for that imaginary world of beauty, harmony and 
grandeur, the creation of German genius, to every well- 
educated individual from that country. But while they 
look upon Germany as a fairy land, in which one cannot 
wake, sleep or move, without being charmed or tormented 
by some spirit, they are apt to consider its inhabitants as 
dreamers, and its philosophers as so many weavers of 
moonshine. A very similar opinion is sufficiently preva- 
lent in England, even among the lierati, though the con- 
ceptions of the German mind are there more highly prized 
and better understood than in any other country. 

The cause is apparent. Few German authors, especial- 
ly on metaphysics, have, as yet, been ably translated into 
English ; and if the public are to rely on the judgment 
of critics, they will always be told that those workslcon- 
tain " moonshine," rather than " that their light is inca- 
pable of illumining the dark ; " though it may be suffi- 
cient to *' make darkness visible." The Americans, enter- 
taining on most subjects of taste and learning the same 



PREJUDICES AGAINST THE GERMANS. 



73 



feelings as the English, or, taking the English for their 
standard, do not consider German thought and reasoning 
as very safe guides to '^practical truths,^'' and bestow, 
therefore, but a limited confidence to professional men of 
that school. They are willing to give the Germans credit 
for general scholarship and great grasp of mind ; but 
they will not easily trust them in a particular branch, ex- 
cept, perhaps, in the elementary departments of educa- 
tion, which they think sufficiently removed from the 
"practical business of life " to be safely confided to their 
care. German theology, medicine, and jurisprudence are 
at a considerable discount ; but philosophy is an absolute 
drug. If a poor emigrant from Germany, on his arrival 
in the United States, should possess no other marketable 
commodity, he may prepare to die at the alms-house ; for 
private charity might at last become weary of supporting 
him. If he be not " hanged," he will at least be buried 
*' at the State's expense," though during his life-time he 
may enjoy the sympathy of scholars and friends. The 
Americans will treat him with kindness, and show the 
greatest consideration for his mind and character. There 
will be those who will offer him pecuniary assistance ;but 
by far the majority will be ready to confine him to a mad- 
house. The most prudent course for him to pursue will 
be to hire himself out on a farm, to make himself, in 
some way or other, " useful to the community." In no 
other country could he be so forcibly convinced of the 
truth of Mephistopheles' comparison, — 

I tell thee, friend, a man who speculates, 

Is like a beast upon a barren heath, ; 

Forever led in circles by the devil ; 

While all around full fresh the meadows bloom.* 

With regard to the mechanical arts, the Germans are 
hardly better. If they are not employed by one of their 
own countrymen, their chance of success is but small, 
and by no means equal to the English. Not only will 

* Ich sages dir ; ein Kerl, der speculirt, 
1st wie ein Thier, auf diirrer Heide 
Von einem bosen Geist im Kreis herum geftthrt, 
Und rings, umher liegt schone grOne Weide. 

Go THE 's Faust. 
7 



74 ADVICE TO THE GERMANS. 

they find their language an impediment, but most of their 
work either done better than what they are accustomed to 
do in Germany, (because the American master mechanics 
give and obtain higher prices for Labor,) or forestalled by 
the British who excel in it, and are, therefore, certain of 
having the preference overall other competitors. Agricul- 
ture is the proper resort of Germans emigrating to the Uni- 
ted States ; and there are few instances in which they have 
not been successful. But any honest trade will succeed 
amongst their own countrymen, who will sooner patron- 
ize them than Americans tliemselves. 

My advice to the German emigrants, therefore, is, not 
to remain an instant longer in any of the large sea-port 
towns than is absolutely necessary to make provisions for 
their journey westward; for, every moment they tarry in 
the cities is a loss of time and money, and, consequently, 
an impediment to their ultimate success. 

As cultivators of the soil, they have the finest prospect 
before them ; for no other country offers the same re- 
sources, or will so riclily reward their industry. As far- 
mers, the German emigrants have a decided advantage 
over all other settlers ; for they find friends, relatives, and 
a home in three or four of the largest and most fertile 
states of the Union. There the German language is no 
obstacle to their progress ; because thousands around 
them speak no other. They will find German papers, 
German churches, and German schools. Their officers 
of justice will be Germans ; their physicians, and — if 
they sliould be so unfortunate as to need them — their 
lawyers. It will appear to them as if a portion of the 
land of their fathers had, by some magic, been transplant- 
ed to the New World. They will find the same dwell- 
ings, the same corn-fields, the same orchards, and, of late, 
the same vines. Every object which may strike their 
eyes will revive some dream of their childhood, and in- 
crease their aff'ection for the country of their adoption. 
The peace, quietude, and happiness of Germany will be 
unfolded to their delighted senses; only the fore and 
back ground will be indistinct — they will discover neither 
princes nor beggars. 

It remains for me yet to say something of the reception 
of Italians, Spaniards, and Portuguese. Practically there 



SPANIARDS AND PORTUGUESE. 75 

can be no prejudices against gentlemen from any coun- 
try ; but theoretically there exists, in the United States, 
as in England and all the North of Europe, a peculiar 
dislike to Southerners in general, which must always be 
more or less injurious to individuals. The Texian war is 
not apt to soften these prejudices with regard to the 
Spaniards ; nor has the late history of Italy very materi- 
ally increased the respect which the English entertain 
for the Italians. There is something in the manners, hab- 
its and inclinations of these nations which appears to be 
repugnant to the feelings of the North, and there is some- 
thing even in their love of liberty, which will fill an Amer- 
ican with horror. 

The number of Spaniards and Portuguese in the Uni- 
ted States is comparatively small, and is not likely to in- 
crease ; as they are generally as little satisfied with the 
country as the people with them, and seldom resort to 
America, except when every other enterprise has failed. 
Yet there are some highly respectable Spanish families 
in all the sea-port towns, and a considerable number of 
them in the State of Louisiana. They, there, imitate the 
manners of the Americans; and, acquiring property by 
honest industry, become sincerely attached to the cus- 
toms and institutions of the country. 



CHAPTER IV. 



AMERICAN THEATRES. TRAGEDIANS. COMIC ACTORS. 

AMERICAN WIT. MUSIC. PAINTING. GENERAL RE- 
FLECTIONS ON THE ARTS. 



The Americans, as a nation, cannot be said to be very 
fond of theatrical performances ; though nearly all the 
large cities of the Union are provided with one, or sever- 
al good play-houses. In the fitting up of these there is 
often displayed considerable elegance ; and in New York 
and Philadelphia they may be said to be decorated 
with taste. Boston has two theatres ; New York three, 
and an Italian Opera ; Philadelphia three ; Baltimore 
one ; Washington one ; Cincinnati one ; and the city of 
New Orleans, besides the English house, a very good 
French Vaudeville and Opera Comique. The company 
of the latter quit New Orleans in the summer, and per- 
form in all the large towns of the North ; which, therefore, 
in addition to the English plays, may be said to possess, 
(for a season, at least,) a French Comedy. 

All these establishments seem to prove that the Ameri- 
cans take an interest in theatres ; but when we inquire 
into the financial operations of the managers, we must 
either conclude that the taste of the people is not suffi- 
ciently understood and gratified, or that the Americans 
have not, as yet, contracted that particular habit of amuse- 
ment. Of all the theatres in the United States there is 
but one (in 'New York) which is known to have carried 
on a profitable business ; and most of the enterprises of 
individuals have entirely failed. 

For my own part, I do not think the fault lies so much 
with the managers, as with the public itself The Amer- 
icans are not fond of any kind of public amusement; and 
are best pleased with an abundance of business. Their 



SUCCESS OF ENGLISH ACTORS. 77 

pleasure consists in being constantly occupied ; and their 
evenings are either spent at home, or with a few of their 
friends, in a manner as private as possible. The continued 
public excitement, occasioned by their political proceed- 
ings, the extent and magnitude of national enterprise, and 
the constant activity which pervades all classes of society, 
render rest and quietude much more desirable than an 
additional stimulus, were it but to pleasure. The Ameri- 
cans are too young a people ; they are yet themselves too 
active performers in the historical drama of their coun- 
try, to take delight in contemplating the world as it is re- 
flected from the stage. There is not yet any thing "foul 
in the state " to create a taste for tragedy. 

Theatrical performances, moreover, are opposed to the 
religious doctrines of the majority of Americans, and they 
always interfere with their domestic arrangements and 
habits. Few ladies, therefore, are ever seen at the thea- 
tres ; and the frequenting of them, even by gentlemen, is 
not considered a recommendation to their character. In 
several places where theatres had been established, they 
have again been abolished by the religious influence of 
the clergy ; and there are Christian churches in America 
who will not allow any of their members to be seen at a 
play-house. 

Under these circumstances, the only harvest of an 
American theatre (with a few honorable exceptions at 
home) is the arrival of some stars from England, who 
have so much found their account in the journey, that of 
late whole constellations have travelled out of their or- 
bits to afford brother Jonathan an opportunity of improv- 
ing his taste. Some of these have even published their 
bright career in the New World, and have not a little con- 
tributed, on and off the boards, to the general diversion 
of the public. 

But this apparent success of English actors in Ameri- 
ica must not be ascribed to a taste for dramatical perform- 
ances. It is, then, curiosity, and not a particular interest 
in the play, which acts as a stimulant on the Americans ; 
they rather go to see what pleases the English, than 
in order to be pleased themselves. But their curiosity be- 
ing ojice satisfied, they soon relax into their domestic 
habits, and abandon the drama to the actors. The exhi^ 
7# 



78 THE AUTOMATON CHESS-PLAYER. 

bition of a sagacieus elephant, or a learned dog, would 
have afforded them a similar attraction ; and of all the pub- 
lie exhibitions of any kind, none succeeded so completely, 
or drew, for so long a period, full and fashionable audien- 
ces, as that of the automaton chess-player and the "confla- 
gration of Moscow." But, then, Mr. Maelzel, who exhib- 
ited these wonders, was a very agreeable man, who, with 
a good-natured German smile always reserved the first 
benches for the children, and regularly pampered them 
with sugar-plums. There was, besides, mechanical inge- 
nuity in the performance ; and a problem to solve, which 
is always interesting to Americans.* Of all the English 
actors and actresses who have visited America at differ- 
ent periods, none have so completely succeeded as Miss 
Keinble ; but even her talents and accomplishments had 
a fearful rival in the powerful attractions of the automa- 
ton Turk. 

It appears, then, that the Americans, in some instances 
at least, are willing to pay for the privilege of being specfa- 
to7's, but that few of them only are ever desirous of becom- 
ing actors ; that they are sometimes willing to be amused, 
but not disposed to divert others. — This might be expect- 
ed from a young enterprising people, whose talents and 
labors are turned to a better account in agriculture or 
commerce ; and whose early habits and education are re- 
pugnant to the comparatively inactive lives of performers. 
Yet the Americans have produced some very good trage- 
dians, and have amply supplied the comic department, for 
which they seem to have a prevalent taste. 

But Jonathan's wit is essentially different from the 
English, and is, with very few exceptions, deficient in 
humor. I never saw an American attempt the broad 
humor of John Bull without his appearing outre, and un- 
natural ; but I have hardly ever know n him to fail in 

* The automaton chess-player was but a short time in the United 
States, when an American rival appeared, in every respect equal to 
that which was exhibited by Mr. Maelzel. The niechanisra was the 
same, and it was exhibited in the same maimer, by opening: but one door 
of the box at a time. But Mr. Maelzel had the triumph of beating him, 
or rather of making: him decline his challenge ; the person concealed 
in the American automaton being a weaker player than Mr. Schlum- 
berger (employed by Mr. Maelzel) whose skill in the game had for ma- 
ny years been tested by the players of the Caf6 deRegence. 



AMERICAN WIT. 79 

satire and sarcasm. Neither did T ever hear those shouts 
of laughter, in America, which an English comic actor is 
wont to draw forth from his audience at home. 

The Americans do not laugh at honest bluntness, or 
good-natured simplicity, and are, of all people in the 
world, the least capable of appreciating la bagatelle. If 
Jonathan is to laugh he must have a point given him, or, 
in other words, he must laugh to some purpose. One re- 
semblance, however, there is between him and his brother, 
which consists in both being very fond of laughing at the 
expense of their neighbors. English, French, Dutch and 
Germans are in turn made to suffer the stings of American 
wit, and the respective descendants of these nations in 
the United States furnish a fund of anecdote for that pur- 
pose. Accordingly the Germans of Pennsylvania, the 
Dutch of New York, the Creoles of New Orleans, &:c., 
have each, their caricaturists, and are successively rep- 
resented on the American stage. The western people, 
especially, are the objects of peculiar merriment, and 
among them the Kentuckians, on account of their natural 
boldness and simplicity, are the most prominent. The 
latter are, perhaps, the only people in the United States, 
who, with great natural wit combine also a fund of humor 
and good nature. They are the Irish of America, at 
whose expense every body laughs, and who, in return, 
make spoTt of every body. The best anecdotes are told 
of them, and the keenest repartees are ascribed to their 
shrewdness. Tiiey are represented as reckless of enter- 
prise, intrepid in danger, chivalrous of conduct, and as 
jolly in company as any son of the Emerald Isle. But 
they have this advantage over the Irish, which is manifest 
in their whole carriage — that their merits are acknowledg- 
ed, and their peculiarities (the offsprings of many manly 
virtues) readily excused by the more charitable feelings of 
their countrymen. 

But the most salient point of American wit consists in 
their political caricatures, which have all the poignancy of 
the French, with the weight and substance of the English. 
I remember many of them which were exceedingly inge- 
nious, and as readily seized by the people, as those of 
France are by the Parisians. I shall only mention one 
of these, illustrative of Jonathan's capacity to take off 



80 AMERICAN COMIC ACTORS. 

characters. Before the late amicable adjustment of the 
difficulties with France, a caricature was published in 
America, representing General Jackson shaking his cane 
at the King of the French, while in the left hand he 
was holding a bag of money, bearing the inscription 
" 25,000,000 francs ; " with the words to his mouth, 

*' 'Tis well that you paid me, or by the Eternal " to 

which the king was represented bowing and waving his 
hands with the words " Not another word of apologi/, my 
dear General, I beg you." It would, perhaps, be difficult 
to make a better comment on the conduct of either of 
these distinguished individuals than is contained in that 
print. 

Yet with all this wit the Americans do not laugh as much 
as either the English or the French, and indulge in sarcasm 
only for their private gratification, or to gratify an enemy. 
Owing to this peculiarity of character, few English actors, 
in the comical department, have ever satisfied an Ameri- 
can piibVic, for ani/ length of time, and their own country- 
men, however popular, must equally despair of success. 

I know no object more deserving of pity, than a comic 
actor on an American stage. He is always expected to 
say something witty ; and yet, he is to give no oflTence to 
any part of his audience. His doings and sayings are to 
be pointed ; yet, in whatever direction he turns, he is 
sure to give ofience, and to have his transgressions visit- 
ed on his head. He is to be a politician, and yet offend 
no party ; he is to ridicule the whims and follies of wo- 
men, but not offend any of the ladies present ; he is 
obliged to please the taste of the rich, who are best capa- 
ble of rewarding his merits ; but he must take care lest, 
by offending the poor, he may be hissed off the stage, 
and when too late be made to repent of his folly. 

For this reason there are but few characters well rep- 
resented on the American stage, among which that of 
" a tar," is always sure to give satisfaction. The Irish, 
of late, has also become very popular. But since Power's 
representation of that character, few Americans can hope 
to succeed in it. Punning, therefore, is the usual resort 
of a comic actor in trouble. But this is a kind of wit, 
which, in time, is sure to produce surfeit, and requires 
such a variety of objects for its exercise, that it is with 



THE ITALIAN OPERA. 81 

difficulty replenished when it is once spent upon one. 
The efforts, too, which a punster is contantly obliged to 
make to conceal the ebbs and flows of his wit, are dis- 
agreeable, and deprive it of the best part of its effect. 
Besides, it is impossible to be always ne.w and success- 
ful ; and the disappointment produced by a bad pun, or 
one with which we are already familiar, is more than suf- 
ficient to overbalance the pleasure which we receive from 
one that is pointed and original. We can see a good 
character represented an hundred times, and still be 
pleased by the performance ; but it would be difficult to 
listen to a repetition of puns without feelings of perfect 
disgust. 

In music the Americans seem to succeed better than in 
tragedy or comedy ; and the establishment of an Italian 
Opera in New York, on a scale which would do credit to 
any capital in Europe, shows, at least, the willingness of 
a certain portion of the people to contribute largely to 
the cultivation of that taste. The Italian Opera-house 
in the city of New York, was built in a very costly style ; 
singers were procured from Italy at a great expense, and 
the orchestra filled with skilful performers from France 
and Germany. The company left nothing undone which 
could gratify the public ; but unfortunately the prices of 
boxes and the pit were very high, (just double of what 
they were in the other theatres,) and the entertainments 
not sufficiently varied to please the American palate. 
The undertaking, therefore, proved a failure, and involved 
its projectors in considerable loss. The principal cause 
of this ill success must have been the language, to which 
the by far greater part of the audience were total stran- 
gers ; and which, to brother Jonathan, is, after all, not 
half as sonorous as the King's English. 

But of whatever depravity of taste the lower classes of 
Americans and EngHsh may be judged guilty, (for I be- 
lieve John Bull is, in this respect, not a whit better than 
his brother,) I maintain that their relish of what they are 
able to understand is far from being discreditable to their 
good sense, and is at least as valuable as the spurious re- 
finement of those distinguished admirers of the opera, 
who frequent it only because it is a fashionable entertain- 
ment. Music, it is true, does not address itself directly to 



82 TASTE FOR MUSIC. 

the understanding; but affects it indirectly through the 
feelings ; yet I do not see how the understanding can be 
made judge of it at all, M^ithout the medium of language. 
I am aware there are those who believe that the under- 
standing has not4iing to do with it, and that harmony and 
melody are productive of a sort of agreeable sensation in 
the ear, similar to that which a cat may feel when its ears 
are scratched. 

But there are others who opine — and probably with 
more justice — that music has the power of indicating 
the particular tone of our feelings, and of causing them 
to sympathise with those of the composer. They main- 
tain that an opera is but a musical drama, in which melody 
and harmony take the place of declamation, and that its 
excellency, therefore, must be judged by the perfect 
agreement between the music and the text. On this ac- 
count they are apt to admire the compositions of Mozart 
and Beethoven, and prefer them by far to the brilliant 
works of Rossini and Bellini. They claim of an overture 
that it shall be a proper introduction to an opera, by pre- 
paring the feelings of the audience for the dramatic action 
which is to follow, and to which it ought to be the index. 
For this reason they extol the overtures to " Don Juan '* 
and "Fidelio," and criticise those of the " Gazza ladra " 
and " Tancredi " as being little adapted to their respective 
subjects. They can see no miracle in Mozart's compos- 
ing the overture to " Don Juan " within an hour of the 
time of its first performance ; because it was merely the 
index to a work, which, as the author, he must have 
known by heart. Neither do they wonder at the musi- 
cians' performing it prima vista; because, having re- 
hearsed the opera, they must have been familiar with the 
theme. Our modern composers and performers, they 
pretend, would be reduced to a greater stress were they 
ever placed in similar circumstances. 

These doctrines, it must be allowed, contain a tolerable 
apology for the simple taste of Americans in not patron- 
ising the Italian opera. If the perfection of an opera 
consists in the mutual agreement between the text and 
the music, the good people of JVew York lost, at least, one 
half of the entertainment by not- understanding the lan- 
guage, and were obliged to pay for the remaining half 



TASTE FOR MUSIC, 83 

double of what they were accustomed to pay for a whole 
night's amusement at another theatre. The ratio was as 
one to four when compared to the other plays, and was, 
consequently, too unreasonable to satisfy such nice calcu- 
lators as the Americans. 

A beautiful song, of which we understand neither the 
words nor the meaning, can, after all, produce little more 
satisfaction than original iambics to a person unacquaint- 
ed with Greek. He might be pleased with the measures 
and the harmony; but he could not appreciate their adap- 
tation to the subject of the poem. Whatever opinions 
men of fashion may entertain on this subject, I shall 
always believe that there is no more charity in condemn- 
ing a man's taste for music, because he does not join in 
the common-place admiration of Italian operas, than in 
denying his taste for literature, because he is not delighted 
with the original text of an author of whom he does not 
understand the language. 

But it must not be inferred that, because the Americans 
have not patronised the Italian opera, they are utterly 
insensible to music. They are, on the contrary, passion- 
ately fond of it ; but gratify their taste in a manner much 
more substantial and profitable. They like to become 
musicians themselves, and prefer paying for tuition to a 
master, to encouraging the art in others. 

Most of the Italian and German performers, who, at 
first, gave concerts in the United States, were finally in- 
duced to become teachers, and, in the latter capacity, 
have not only been able to maintain themselves, but have 
laid up something for the future. The success of the in- 
structers can only be ascribed to the readiness of the 
pupils to improve ; which, in turn, bespeaks a prevalent 
taste for the accomplishment. 

Neither are the Americans behindhand in supporting 
operas performed in English ; and the names of the best 
German, Italian and French composers have, in this 
manner, become as familiar to American ears as they are 
to any dilettanti o{ Europe. "Der Freischiitz," "The 
Barber of Seville," " The White Lady," " Fra Diavolo," 
and " Gustavus," have all had their run on the American 
stage; and it may even be observed that MadameMalibran 



84 HANDEL AND HAYDN SOCIETY. 

was first brought into notice by the encouraging plaudits 
of an American audience.* 

The general predilection, however, is in favor of sa- 
cred music ; and there exist, in most of the large cities of 
the United States, societies for its cultivation and en- 
couragement. Among these the *' Handel and Haydn 
Society " of Boston, and the " Musical Fund Society" of 
Philadelphia, are most deserving of notice, as they are 
both extremely well organised, and directed by able and 
scientific leaders. The latter, especially, ranks amongst 
its members not only a great number of German and 
French amateurs, but also a very respectable body of pro- 
fessors, whose talents are called into active exercise by 
frequent conceits and oratorios, and by the liberal prizes 
which the society annually offers for the best compositions 
in the various departments of the art. 

One fact, however, is most remarkable in the " Handel 
and Haydn Society" of Boston, which consists in most of 
its members being mechanics, cultivating music for no 
other purpose than because they are really fondof it, and 
wish to introduce it into their churches. Vocal music, 
therefore, is their principal object, and the choruses the 
best part of their oratorios. The taste is certainly lauda- 
ble, and the more so as it is peculiar to a class of men 
which are unjustly supposed to be incapable of refine- 
ment. 

It is quite a curious spectacle to see the sacred compo- 
sitions of the old German masters revived and studied by 
a company of unassuming workmen in the New World, 
while, in Germany, it would be difficult to procure a fash- 
ionable audience for either, as long as Lanner and Strauss 
set the whole population on waltzing. The much admir- 
ed sensibility of the Germans seems, by some sad perver- 
sion, to have betaken itself to their heels, where it is now 
productive of such vehement revolutions as are scarcely 
equalled by the wheels of a locomotive. Even the classic- 
al operas of Mozart are gradually withdrawing from the 
German stage, to go begging in England ; and I am cer- 
tainly not exaggerating the case when I state it as my 

* I am aware that Madame Malibran first sung in England ; but she 
was then not so much applauded as subsequently in America. 



AMATEUR PERFORMERS. 85 

candid opinion that the best compositions of Mozart and 
Beethoven are becoming more familiar to English and 
American ears, than to the greater portion of their own 
countrymen. 

I have already alluded to the parlor amusement in the 
United States, which consists principally in vocal and in- 
strumental music. The performers, on such occasions, 
are usually ladies ; the gentlemen's accomplishments in 
the arts being commonly confined to the flute. I do not 
remember having heard a single amateur performer on 
the violin during my whole residence in the United States. 
The ladies who are able to devote a much longer time to 
their education, are, in this repect, vastly superior to the 
gentlemen, and perform often exceedingly well on the pi- 
ano, the guitar, and the harpsichord. Those of Philadel- 
phia and Baltimore are most accomplished in the art, as 
they are not only more assiduous in its cultivation, but 
enjoy the advantage of the best German instructers. 
Their being, in part, descended from Germans, may also 
contribute to their predilection in favor of " concord of 
sweet sounds," which taste is any thing but diminished 
by a southern latitude. 

On the whole, I should judge the musical talents of 
Americans superior to those of the English, especially in 
the middle and southern States, where they have been 
constantly improving by emigrants from the continent of 
Europe. The English will hear the best music as long as 
they are willing to j>a?/ for it; but the Americans will 
soon be able to make it themselves. The English will al- 
ways remain great consumers of musical talent, but the 
Americans will produce it. 

No transition seems to be more natural than that from 
music to painting ; and it will be proper, therefore, to of- 
fer a few remarks also on that subject. As far as I am 
able to ascertain, there is, in America, no deficiency of 
talent either for drawing or painting ; but there is little or 
nothing done for their encouragement. The education of 
an American artist, with the only exception of a few, not 
very competent drawing-masters, is altogether left to him- 
self, and to the chance he may have of visiting Europe 
and studying the old masters. There exists, as yet, no 
public gallery in any of the large cities of the United 
8 



86 AMERICAN PAINTERS. 

States, to which a young painter could have free access, 
or where his taste might be formed. There is not even 
a school for painting, or any other public institution of a 
more elevated nature, to foster or develop talents of this 
kind ; and yet the Americans have produced some very 
eminent painters, amongst whom it will suffice to mention 
the names of Stuart and West. The former was one of 
the best portrait painters of the age, and the latter is too 
well known in England to need further comment. Mr. 
Alston, of Cambridge, New England, has, by dint of ge- 
nius, become an historical painter of vast poetic concep- 
tions; and Mr. Harding has, from a soldier and a chair- 
painter, with no other assistance than that of his own en- 
ergetic mind, become one of the most successful portrait 
painters of America. He went to England to learn and 
improve his native talents, but met with such encourage- 
ment that he was not only able to pursue his main design, 
but also to lay the foundation to his subsequent indepen- 
dence. 

Where talent forces its way through such obstacles, and 
triumphs at last over all difficulties in the way of its pro- 
gress, it must be genuine, and warrant the conclusion that, 
with a little more encouragement on the part of the peo- 
ple, and some appropriate institutions for the education 
of artists, the Americans might be made to compete with 
Europe also in this department. It has been observed, 
frequently, by French and German M^riters, that the Unit- 
ed States of America, could, with difficulty, be made the 
successful sphere of an historical painter. This maybe 
true for at least the next fifty years, but then, I would 
ask in what part of Europe his talents would now meet 
with adequate acknowledgment ? Where are the histor- 
ical painters in Europe, who, in this age of political and 
mechanical improvement, could be sure of not dying the 
death of starvation ? 

With the exception of the court of Bavaria, there is 
no royal favor extended to these victims of a more sanc- 
tified taste — though their works and their fame might live 
to eternity. The encouragement, which, by persons of 
rank and distinction, is given to this branch of the art, is 
almost wholly confined to purchasing a few works of the 
old masters for a gallery. This is a kind of gratification 



MODERN PAINTERS. 87 

in which a patron of the arts will always more readily in- 
dulge, than in encouraging a growing talent. A fine gal- 
lery is constantly admired, and reflects on the good taste 
of the owner ; but the money laid out on an artist is not 
always sure of bearing interest or of pampering the pat- 
ron's vanity. 

Neither are the performances of the present schools 
more than a feeble reflection of the glory of former days. 
Neither the feelings, nor the imagination, nor the taste of 
our modern artists resemble those of the old masters, in- 
spired by a holy faith and fraught with religious devotion. 
They are no longer personations of the Divinity itself; 
but, at best, but tolerable copies of prosaic originals, or 
of the world as it appears to our senses, unadorned by 
what Goethe would call "the glorification of the Italian 
painters." The mysticism of catholic worship, as it ex- 
isted in the middle ages, and the spiritualism of those 
ages gave to the genius of the artist a noble direction, 
and imprinted on his works a peculiar dignity of charac- 
ter, for which they will ever be distinguished. 

This applies equally to the specimens of architecture 
which remain of that period. They all bear the iiistor- 
ical characteristics of their age, and represent to us, — if 
I am permitted the expression, — ideas rather than objects 
to delight our senses: the conception is in all of them su- 
perior to the form by which it is expressed, and the peculi- 
arities of the artist's mind lost in the grandeur of his sub- 
ject. In this, I believe, consists the true superiority of 
the ancient over the modern schools ; but it is a superior- 
ity which belongs to their age more than to the individu- 
als who flourished in it, and cannot, therefore, be re-pro- 
duced by the most strenuous efforts of our contempora- 
ries. 

Our present artists move in a narrower sphere. Their 
province does not extend beyond the borders of humanity ; 
and their conceptions, therefore, must be of a lower cast. 
They may picture to us man in his most perfect form ; 
but beyond this, their imagination will not easily soar, 
and in beholding their works we are irresistibly chained 
to the earth. They may still have the power of gratify- 
ing the senses, but they lack the nobility of conception 
and the divine spirit which presides over the works of the 
old masters. 



so PORTRAIT PAINTERS. 

Neither are our modern worshippers of the art any 
longer imbued with the same spirit which characterised 
the people of the middle ages. Ours is the age of de- 
monstrative philosophy, the most totally opposed to the 
gentle sympathies of a believing mind. Our understand- 
ings have become accustomed to seize abstract forms and 
ideas, established by a process of reasoning, rather than 
to be led to a generous belief by the beauty and harmony 
of nature. In proportion as we have trusted our under- 
standing, our feelings have lost the power of guiding us, 
and our imagination has become dull and obscure. 

Hence, instead of representing angels, genii, and saints 
to our turbid imaginations, our modern artists entertain us 
with subjects more on a level with ourselves ; and what 
can be more so than the portrait of a friend, or of our 
own perfections. Portrait painting has become the chief 
branch of the art to which all others are not only acces- 
sory and subordinate, but without which no other can now 
please or succeed. 

The artist, therefore, has no longer the choice of his 
subject ; but exhausts his talent, as he may be employed 
and directed ; and, instead of following his own imagina- 
tion and genius, is obliged to conform to the peculiar taste 
of his patrons. The art, it is true, has become more 
popular, but, with the greater number of its votaries, its 
former sanctity is lost. It gives more universal pleasure, 
but is less capable of affecting individuals; and instead 
of entertaining them with subjects above them, is obliged 
to descend to their level. 

This is the reason why portrait painting has become so 
universally popular. We hardly become tired to look at 
ourselves in a glass, which, moreover, reflects our image 
without flattery, and exhibits to us daily the visible marks 
of time and decay; how much more, then, must we be 
pleased with a portrait, which is not subject to decrepi- 
tude, and represents us always under the most favorable 
combination of light and attitude ? The foible is par- 
donable, and flatters our vanity. What, after all, can be 
more satisfactory to a man of taste than to leave to the 
world some traces of his ephemeral existence ? — to be im- 
mortalized by a favorite of the muses, and hung up in a 
gallery amongst a whole heaven of gods and goddesses? 



PORTRAIT PAINTERS. 89 

—to carry the sweet consolation to the grave that his pic- 
ture; after generations shall have past, may yet be more 
valuable than the original 1 If he wear an uniform, a 
mitre, or some other decoration to distinguish himself 
from the rest of mankind, nothing but a toitch of the brush 
will be required to transmit his merits, iii the brightest 
colors, to an admiring posterity ; and if his name be not 
inscribed on marble, he may at least cherish a hope that 
some of his friends will have it engraved on steel, " from 
an original picture of Sir Thomas Lawrence." 

Our feelings have grown too egotistical even to under- 
stand the works of the old masters ; much less to imitate 
them. Amongst the hundreds who annually visit Rome 
and Florence for the laudable purpose of improving their 
tastes, there is scarcely one whose mind is tuned in unison 
with their spirit, to comprehend the vastness of their de- 
signs, or to perceive the divine attributes of truth and 
eternity which are every where imprinted on their poetic 
personages. But without sympathising with the masters 
of the old school, we shall in vain attempt to catch the 
inspiration of their works. Let us analyze them as we 
may, let us descend to the minutest details ; the soul will 
not be found in any particular part of the body, but will 
forever escape our anatomical investigation. It is of too 
sublime a nature to cling to so rude an instrument as the 
knife of a modern dissector. The old painters are doom- 
ed to the fate of the classics, an acquaintance with which 
is indispensable to erudition ; but whose works are no 
longer understood without a commentary. They may 
still be the object of universal admiration, but inspire no 
longer those electric feelings which prompted the ancients 
to deeds of heroic valor. 

If this is the fate of the masters exalted in the opinions 
of mankind, what can be the prospects of a beginner 1 
Which way is a young artist to turn, to keep his heart and 
his mind uninfluenced by the growing egotism of the 
world ? Where are the awful mysteries of religion, and 
the enchantments of a spiritual world to fecundate his 
imagination, and to preserve it pure in an age of unbelief 
and material philosophy ? Cause and effect of real great- 
ness in the arts are alike vanishing from the present gen- 
8# 



90 CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF PAINTING. 

eration ; and the lofty pupil of the divine masters degene- 
rates into a sordid copyist of his patron's pimples. 

The great advantage, then, which Europe possesses 
over America, with regard to the fine arts, are the nu- 
merous collections of paintings and statuary treasured up 
in her churches and galleries. These will probably re- 
main forever unequalled, not only by Americans, but also 
by European artists of all times. They are now more 
the objects of pride and vanity in their owners than of re- 
al veneration for the genius of their author. 

Ours is an age of science, and not of the arts. The 
eternal truths "of nature and of nature's God," which it 
is the province of the fine arts to reveal m forms, are no 
longer the objects of pious mysticism, but of philosophical 
discussion and mathematical demonstration. The pres- 
ent age cannot be affected by what they are unable to 
understand, and not convinced, except by a process of 
reasoning. Hence the progress of the exact sciences and 
their accessories, — and the visible decline of poetry and 
the arts. The aggregate of human knowledge is increas- 
ed, and the condition of man improved beyond all com- 
parison ; but the more delicate feelings of our hearts 
have become blunted, and the sacred awe of the spiritual 
world changed into a self-sufficient complacency at the 
subjugation of inanimate nature. 

In proportion as the understanding and the judgment 
are cultivated, the imagination must suffer or be checked 
in its progress, and, with it, the arts to which it gives life. 
The more accurately a thing is defined, the less room is 
left to the imagination to enlarge upon it ; and the mind 
once accustomed to the rigor of mathematical demonstra- 
tion, is not apt to lose itself in the boundless regions of 
fancy. Judgment, too, partakes always of the nature of 
criticism. It is an analytical process of the mind, which 
consists rather in dissecting and destroying, than in unit- 
ing different objects to an harmonious whole. In every 
work of art, on the contrary, the unity of all the parts — 
the totality of the impression — is the principal object to 
which all others must be subordinate. The genius of the 
artist is creative, and his conceptions are at once a com- 
plete and perfect whole ; the province of science is the 
universe, and the means of exploring it a finite intelli- 



ARTS AND SCIENCES CONTRASTED. 91 

gence. The man of science, therefore, can only combine 
what exists; but in no instance is he able to add, create, 
or improve on a single object in nature. Step by step is 
nature to be conquered ; each new idea must give birth to 
another, and it is only by their painful combination that 
the truth is finally revealed. But the characteristic of 
science is certainty, and its reward consciousness of pow- 
er. Its applications are universal, and contribute every- 
where to the amelioration of conditions. The arts may 
flourish in a despotic country ; but the light of science 
cannot be diffused amongst a people without raising them 
above the condition of slaves. The arts may be employ- 
ed for mean and sordid purposes, but science always en- 
nobles human nature, and is, of all pursuits, the most cal- 
culated to secure permanent happiness. Monarchs may 
patronise the arts — republics must encourage the sci- 
ences. 

In proportion as the sciences advanced, the arts deteri- 
orated ; but it was not until the decline of the latter, that 
America rose into an independent existence. The period 
in the history of Europe, advantageous to the cultivation 
of the arts, was passed : the very settlement of the Unit- 
ed States was owing to protestantism in religion and pol- 
itics. There were no monuments of Rome and Greece 
to awaken a taste for the arts ; and the wild dramas of 
the Indian wars called for energies and talents different 
from those which play in the lap of the Muses. 

Hardly had America escaped from destruction at home, 
and oppression from abroad, before the French revolution 
began to convulse the whole world with its doctrines and 
victories. America was again forced into a war, and it 
is scarcely twenty years since she has enjoyed unmolest- 
ed tranquillity. But what period is this for a nation in 
its history of the fine arts'? And what has been the pro- 
g7'ess of the arts during that period in Europe ! Let the 
question be presented in this light, and its inevitable an- 
swer must be, that, compared to former times, they have, 
in Europe, deteriorated, while in America they have cer- 
tainly progressed, notwithstanding the almost total want 
of encouragement of artists in the United States. 



CHAPTER V. 



AMERICAN LITERATURE. ITS RELATION TO THE ENGLISH. 

PERIODICALS. DAILY PRESS. CITY AND COUNTRY PA- 
PERS. THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE POLITICAL PROSPECTS 

OF THE NATION. 



" The termination of the Revolutionary War," says the 
learned author of " Men and Manners," " left the United 
States with a population graduatina; in civilization from 
slaves to planters. The scale went low enough, but un- 
fortunately, not very high. The great mass of the white 
population, especially in the Northern States, were by no 
means deficient in such education, as was suited to their 
circumstances. In a country in which abject poverty was 
happily a stranger, there existed few obstacles to the gen- 
eral diffusion of elementary instruction. But between the 
amount of acquirement of the richer and poorer classes 
little disparity existed. Where the necessity of labor was 
imposed on all, it was not probable that any demand 
should exist for learning, not immediately connected with 
the business of life. To the groiver of indigo and tobac- 
co, to the feller of timber, or the retailer of cutlery and drij 
goods, the refinements of literature iverc necessarily unhnoion. 
In her whole population America did not number a single 
scholar in the higher acceptation of the term, and had 
every book in her whole territory been contributed to 
form a national library, it would not have afforded the 
materials from which a scholar could be framed." 
* * # 

"In short, the state of American society is such as to 
afford no leisure for any thing so unmarketable as abstract 



AMERICAN SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. 93 

knowledge. For the pursuit of such studies, it is neces- 
sary that the proficient 'should fit audience find, though 
few.^ He must be able to calculate on sympathy, at least, 
if not encouragement; and assuredly he would find 
neither in the United States." 

* * * 

"I am aware, it will be urged that the state of things 
I have described is merely transient, and that when popu- 
lation shall have become more dense, and increased com- 
petition shall have rendered commerce and agriculture 
less lucrative, the pursuits of science and literature will 
engross their due proportion of the national talent. I 
hope it may be so ; but, yet it cannot be disguised that 
hitherto there has been no visible approximation towards 
such a condition of society. In the present generation of 
Americans 1 can detect no symptoms of improving taste, or 
increasing elevation of intellect. On the contrary, the fact 
has been irresistibly forced on my conviction that they are 
altogether inferior to those, whose place, in the course of 
nature, they are soon destined to occupy. Compared 
with their fathers, I have no hesitation in pronouncing 
the younger portion of the higher classes to be less libe- 
ral, less enlightened, less observant of the proprieties of 
life, and certainly far less pleasing in manners and de- 
portment." 

Thus ends his discussion on American literature and 
education, in which not a single author or work is named, 
to corroborate his statements, and which it would be im- 
possible to recognize as bearing on literature at all, if the 
reader were not good-naturedly informed of it by the run- 
ning title of the book. Every assertion it contains is 
purely gratuitous,* and but the echo of his own feelings 

* Except, perhaps, his observation on the manners of the yonng men 
of the ''higher classes." But in America the offspring of the higher 
classes are usually not only inferior to their progenitors, but, in the 
greater number of instances, also to the children ol the inferior orders. 
The most active and enterprising merchants of Boston and New York 
are not sons of rich men. Neither were the names of the most distin- 
guished American statesmen known in the fashionable circles, before 
their fame had connected them with the history of their country. Ge- 
nius is seldom hereditary ; and in a country where every man advances 
by his own talents and energies, we need be as little astonished to see 
the son of a rich man inferior to his father, as to behold the offspring 
of poor parents rise to consideration and dignity. 



94 



EARLY STAGE OF SCIENCE 



and prejudices. Surely the learned author furnishes a 
powerful illustration of the quantity of philosophy a man 
may gather from travelling, and how the inmost thoughts 
and springs of action of a nation may be discovered from 
the top of a stage coach. There is nothing so easy as for 
a man who has, either from disposition or habit, taken a 
strong dislike to republican institutions, to declaim, in 
general terms, on their pernicious influence on science 
and literature ; but if he attempt to state facts with which 
he is only acquainted from hearsay, he will assuredly be- 
tray the particular tone of his sentiments, or be guilty of 
misrepresentations. 

America, at the close of the revolutionary war, did 
number amongst its population, not only scholars, but 
men of the purest and loftiest genius. — Franklin and 
Thomas Jefferson would have immortalized themselves 
by their writings and reasonings, even if neither of them 
had ever risen above the political horizon of his country. 
The theory of electricity of the former would, alone, have 
sufficed to mark him as one of the most logical intellects 
which ever graced science, and would have transmitted 
his fame to the latest posterity. America could boast of 
orators like James Otis and Patrick Henry,* and exhibit- 
ed the virtues of her legislators in the framing of her con- 
stitution. John Edwards, William Douglas, and William 
Bartram had distinguished themselves by their writings ; 
and the latter, a quaker of Pennsylvania, was pronounced 
by Linnaeus to be "the greatest natural botanist in the 
world." Thomas Godfray, of Philadelphia, was the inven- 
tor of the invaluable instrument to navigators which, 
afterwards, by a misnomer, was called " Hadley's Quad- 
rant ; " David Rittenhouse invented a new method of 
fluxions ; and Timothy Cutler, Elisha Williams, and Tim- 
othy Clap, of Yale College, were celebrated for their 
knowledge of classical literature.f In 1761 the transit of 
Venus was observed from the coast of Newfoundland (the 
most westerly part of the world from which the conclu- 
sion could be seen,) by Professor Winthrop, of Harvard 

* " Henry, the forest-born Demosthenes, 

Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas." 

Byron. 
t Grahame's Histoiy of the United States. 



AND LITERATURE IN AMERICA. 95 

College ; who acquitted himself of the task in the most 
able manner ; and had his expenses defrayed by the gen- 
eral court of Massachusetts.* This undoubtedly proves 
that " to the grower of indigo and tobacco, to the feller 
of timber, and the retailer of cutlery and dry goods, the 
refinements of literature were necessarily unknown." 

Mr. Hamilton attributes the infant state of literature in 
the United States to the state of society, and especially 
to their republican form of government. Let us see how 
far his conclusions are borne out by history ? Let us in- 
quire how much England has done for the mental emanci- 
pation of her colonies ; and whether the arts and sciences 
have received a check or an impulse, by the declaration of 
independence 1 

We find Britain, in the earliest stage of her American 
colonies, desirous of governing them not only by superior 
physical power, but also by a preponderance of intellect. 
Commerce and literature were alike monopolised by Eng- 
land, whose interest it was to keep America dependent 
on British manufacture and science. This state of servi- 
tude, the most degrading which ever existed in any coun- 
try, was enforced by the most rigorous laws ; and the 
privilege of printing and publishing books was, by the 
very charter, refused to some of the colonies. 

The encouragement which American gentlemen of sci- 
ence and literature had to expect from England, was 
most happily illustrated by the conduct of William Pitt, 
afterwards Earl of Chatham, who refused to commune 
personally with Dr. Franklin, but sent him word, through 
one of his under secretaries, " that he thought him a re- 
spectable man." t Franklin was then at the zenith of his 
scientific and political renown ; and if he received such 
flattering testimonies of his " respectability" from men, 
favorable to the cause of America, what could he and his 
•colleagues hope for from the jealousy of their political 
opponents. 

The only literary institution aided by royalty, in Ame- 
rica, during the space of two centuries, was the college 
of "William and Mary," in Virginia, to which a donation 

* Grahame's History of the United States. 
Ibid. 



96 EARLY STAGE OF SCIENCE 

was made by the King and Queen, more for political and 
religious purposes, however, than for the actual promotion 
of learning. When Dean Berkeley (afterwards Bisliop of 
Cloyne) went to America to establish a seminary of learn- 
ing, the House of Commons voted the sum of 20,000/. for 
that purpose ; but this sum was never paid — and after- 
wards voted in aid of the colony of Georgia, a kind of 
military establishment, for the protection of the frontiers 
of South Carolina. Gibson, bishop of London, after re- 
peatedly pressing the subject on Walpole, obtained finally 
the following unceremonious answer : " If you put this 
question to me as a Minister, I must and can assure you 
that the money shall undoubtedly be paid, as soon as the 
public convenience ivill alloiv ; but if you ask me as a 
friend whether Dean Berkeley should continue in America, 
expecting the payment of the 20,000/., I advise him, by 
all means, to return to Europe, and to give up his present 
expectations." 

The attorney-general expressed himself in still plainer 
terms ; for, when the agent of the colonies applied to 
him for his sanction to have a patent sealed confirming 
the grant of the 20,000/. under the religious plea, that it 
was for the benefit of the souls of the colonists, he merely 
replied, laconically, "Never mind their souls" — "let 
them plant tobacco." 

Governor Johnston, of North Carolina, (the first royal 
governor after the surrender of the proprietary Charter,) 
levied, it is true, taxes for the purpose of founding schools ; 
but unfo; mately employed the money so raised for other 
purposes. No sooner, however, was the declaration of 
independence acknowledged by Great Britain, than the 
Assembly of North Carolina, " aware of the bonds which 
connect hioioledge with liberty^ and ignorance with despot- 
ism^''^ founded a seminary of learning in that province. 
Yale, and Princeton colleges were established by the 
munificence of the people, without the assistance of the 
British government, or of royal bounty. Harvard Col- 
lege was established by the Puritan fathers only ten years 
after their settlement in America ; but never enjoyed the 
academical privileges of similar institutions in England ; 
though many laws were enacted, for that purpose, by the 
provincial legislature of Massachusetts, which were all 



AND LITERATURE IN AMERICA. 97 

disallowed by the British parliament, bent upon protract- 
ing the period of America's mental and national pupillar- 
ity. The editors and authors of periodicals were thrown 
into prison, and until 1730 a strict censorship established 
in New England, the most literary of all the colonies. 

" No encouragement," says Grahame, "seems ever to 
have been given by the English government to the culti- 
vation of science and literature in the American prov- 
inces, except in the solitary instance of a donation of 
William and Mary in aid of the college which took its 
name from them in Virginia. The policy adopted by the 
parent state in this respect is very directly indicated by 
one of the royal governors in the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. 

* As to the college erected in Virginia,' says the officer, 
* and other designs of the like nature, which have been 
proposed for the encouragement of learning, it is only to 
be observed in general, that although great advantages 
may accrue to the mother state both from the labors and 
luxuries of its plantations, yet they will probably be mis- 
taken loho imagine that the advancement of literature, and the 
improvement of arts and sciences in our American colonies, 
can be of any service to the British state? 

♦' We have already seen the instructions," continues 
Grahame, " that were given to the royal governors by 
the English court, both prior and subsequent to the revo- 
lution of 1688, to restrain the exercise of printing within 
their jurisdiction. Many laws were enacted in New 
England after that event, for enlarging the literary privi- 
leges and honors of Harvard university, which were all 
disallowed by the British government." 

With what justice, therefore, does our modern tourist, 
after expounding on venison and Madeira — for the 
learned author of " Men and Manners " treats very fully 
on these subjects — obtrude his remarks on American 
literature and science at that period? — and this to prove 
that liberal governments are necessarily opposed to their 
progress 1 

Again, Mr. Hamilton assures his readers that in the 
present generation of Americans *' he can discover no 
symptoms of improving taste, or increasing elevation of in 
tellect." On the contrary, the fact has been irresistibly 
9 



98 



AMERICAN PUBLICATIONS. 



forced on his conviction " that they are altogether inferior 
to those whose place, in the course of nature, they are 
soon destined to occupy." By what facts does he estab- 
lish this gratuitous assertion ? Have the Americans, 
since the revolutionary war, produced no men of science 
known in Europe 1 no writer of note whose works have 
been republished in England and on the Continent 1 One 
single fact will answer these questions better than all 
speculations on the subject. 

The "American Booksellers' Advertiser" notices the 
following different publications, during the year 1835, ex- 
clusive of pamphlets, periodicals, and new editions. (The 
first column contains the number of original American 
publications; the second, the number of republications of 
foreign works ; and the third, the sum total of both.) 



Sabjects, 


American, 


Foreign. 


Total. 


Biographies . . . 

History - - - - 

Travels by Sea and Land 

Statistics and Commerce - 

Theology 

Religioiis and Domestic Duties - 

Miscellaneous - - . 

Almanacks . _ _ 

Ethics and Politics 

Law _ - - _ 

Medicine and Surgery 

Arts and Sciences 

Novels and Tales 

Poetry - - • . 

Education 

Juvenile - - - . 


19 

4 

12 

9 

20 

15 

24 

10 

5 

9 

6 

15 

31 

7 

60 

22 


11 

8 
11 

2 
22 
15 
10 

.3 

3 

5 

8 

33 

12 

15 

17 

175 


30 
12 
23 
11 
42 
30 
34 
10 
8 
12 
11 
23 
64 
19 
75 
39 


268 


443 



Making in all 443 works, or 547 vols. Allowing each 
edition to consist only of 1000 copies, the number of vol- 
umes printed amounted last year (1835) to 547,000 ; ex- 
clusive of pamphlets, periodicals, and new editions. 

We remark here the great increase of original publica- 
tions, instead of the diminution which struck the learned 
author of "Men and Manners." 



ESTIMATION OF LITERATURE. 99 

In 1833, there were published, in the United States, one 
third more foreign than original works ; but, in 1835 the 
ratio had already increased in favor of the former. A 
German writer* observes that this is a strong proof that 
the United States are about to form their own literature, 
especially as regards the solid and useful branches of ed- 
ucation. These publications show better than all reason- 
ing that in America an author may at least " fit audi- 
ence find," and that he may calculate on the sympathy 
and encouragement of the public ; else the enterprising 
spirit of the Americans would not be engaged in publish- 
ing and republishing books. 

But Mr. Hamilton says, in another part of his work, 
that literature in the United States is a disgrace^ and that 
he heard the term "literary gentleman," applied, in 
Washington, in the most taunting manner, to one of the 
representatives. This was a gross misunderstanding on 
his part. All parties in the United States — those in and 
those out of power — are proud of the literary achieve- 
ments of their champions; but they are alike averse to 
mere rhetorical flourishes. The term "literary " is some- 
times applied ironically to a politician, in contradistinc- 
tion to practical good sense, which, indeed, was the case 
when Mr. Hamilton heard it pronounced on the floor of 
Congress; but then the distinction is not so absurd as he 
imagines, there being more than one " literary gentle- 
man " to whom it will happily apply. 

Once more I would ask whether the writings of Hill- 
house, of Bryant, Percival, Paulding, and, above all, of 
Washington Irving and Fennimore Cooper are so little 
known in England and Europe generally, as to entitle 
the learned author of " Men and Manners " to the con- 
clusion that America will never enjoy a state of society 
favorable to literature ? 

What was the literary and scientific condition of Amer- 
ica at the time of her emancipation ? — and what is it now ? 
Have no improvements been made in the system of edu- 
cation ? Is there any branch of literature in which the 
Americans do not, at least, enter into competition with 
Europe, from the most abstruse science of mathematical 

* In the journal entitled " Das Ausland." 



100 



POETRY. 



analysis down to the "woful ballad " and the "flower- 
garden of epigrams and sonnets?" 

It may, perhaps, be observed, that in all these branch- 
es the Americans are as yet the imitators of Europe. 
Granted. But what are fifty years in the history of a 
nation's literature, or in the scientific development of a 
people yet combating against nature and the savages ? 
Only a small portion of the inhabitant? of the United 
States are as yet permanently settled ; the rest are no- 
mades, or lead the lives of conquerors. Yet these wan- 
dering tribes know the value of literature and science, 
and, wherever they go, establish schools and seminaries of 
learning. All other nations have conquered by the sword, 
and their traces were marked by ruin and desolation : 
America, alone, vanquishes her foes by civilization, and 
marks her course by moral and religious improvements. 
There is poetry in her national development, and the 
settlements of her early colonists. Poetry is s^ much 
diflfused throughout nature, and so intimately connected 
with man, that there is hardly an object, or an historical 
fact, incapable of inspiring its sentiments. There is po- 
etry in light, color, sound, form, and even in numbers. 
The creation and redemption of man is the most sublime 
and Godlike poetry recorded in the Bible. Newton, by 
his optics, has become the philosopher and poet of light ; 
Mozart and Chladni sang, the one from inspiration, the 
other by philosophical combination, the praises of music ; 
and the Greeks have given us the most perfect models of 
the poetry of forms. The gigantic antediluvian drama, 
with its volcanos, and earthquakes, and floods, involving 
all creation in a general wreck, has found its poet in Cu- 
vier; but the sublimity of his conceptions consists in num- 
bers.* The spiritualism of the middle ages, and the holy 
inspiration of the followers of Christ, are the subject of 
Walter Scott's poetry ; and the military enthusiasm of 
imperial France, and its tragical end, have begot the 
plaintive strains of Lamartine. The colonization of New 
England, by the pilgrim fathers, their manly assertion of 
liberty, and the sacrifice of all that is dear to mankind, 
for the very theory of freedom, is one of the most poetic- 
al, and noble spectacles which the world ever witnessed. 

* Heine. 



AMERICAN AUTHORS. 101 

The struggle of a young and uncorrupt race against the 
gigantic forests and rivers of a pristine world; the expir- 
ing groans of her children, and the noble enthusiasn* of 
the Americans for their proud republic, form the theme of 
the poetry of Cooper. Whatever may be said of his im- 
itation of Walter Scott, he is original in his scenes and 
conceptions, and will forever remain a rival competitor 
of the great master. His works have been translated in- 
to all European languages, and, despite of the illiberal 
criticism of his own countrymen, will be read and admir- 
ed as long as there shall be a heart capable of enthusiasm 
for liberty. Whatever the Americans may now think of 
Cooper, he is, and will, probably, for a long time remain, 
the most manly and national representative of their lite- 
rature. 

Washington Irving's style is superior to Cooper's in el- 
egance and finish ; but his pictures are diminutive, and 
he succeeds best in sketches. His acquaintance with, and 
I may perhaps say, predilection in favor of European 
characters, rather pleases the Americans, who are flatter- 
ed to see him ranked amongst the most classical English 
writers of the age. James K. Paulding is likewise one 
of the most fertile novelists of America. " The Dutch- 
man's Fireside," "John Bull in America," "Westward, 
Ho," &c. are well known even in England, and are hon- 
orable productions of a descriptive mind. He has also 
written several plays, and a parody on Walter Scott's 
*'Lay of the Minstrel," entitled "Lay of the Scotch 
Fiddler." 

Among the lyric poets of the Americans, James G. 
Percival holds decidedly the first rank, though Bryant 
and Dana have, perhaps, more tasle and elegance. He is 
a calm, contemplative genius, joining a powerful imagina- 
tion to a masculine style, and a patriotic ardor which we 
•only recognize again in the works of Fennimore Cooper. 
His poems, entitled " Clio," were republished in England, 
and he was the coadjutor of Webster in the publica- 
tion of his dictionary. Bryant is editor of " The New 
York Evening Post," and Richard H. Dana, was, for a 
time, editor of the " North American Review." The 
best prose work of the latter is "The Idle Man," and 
amongst his poems the Buccaneer is justly entitled to the 
9* 



102 AMERIAAN AUTHORS. 

high reputation it enjoys in America. Some of the poems 
of Bryant have been lately translated into German, and 
were pronounced, by competent critics, to be equal to the 
best productions of British Bards. 

John Howard Paine and Hillhouse are the Coriphei of 
American dramatic literature. The best works of the 
latter are "The Last Judgment," " Percy's Mask," and 
"Hadad." The plays of Paine appeared first in Eng- 
land, and, I believe, met with a favorable reception. The 
author has since returned to America, where some of 
them have been revived on the stage, and performed to 
fashionable audiences. 

Dr. Bird, of Philadelphia, the author of several popu- 
lar novels, is also worthy of considerable distinction as a 
dramatic writer. His Indian tragedy of Oroloosa was 
highly successful, though it was rather too full of stage 
trick and clap-trap. His Gladiator is a much superior 
performance. Though it has many faults, it possesses 
much redeeming merit; and the personation of Mr. For- 
est not only insures its permanent popularity in the Unit- 
ed States, but obtained for it a most favorable reception 
before a London audience. The Bride of Genoa, by 
Epes Sargent, was produced in Boston, at the Tremont 
Theatre, in the spring of 1837, the popular and clever 
native actress. Miss Clifton, sustaining the principal male 
character. The play is founded upon incidents in the ca- 
reer of Antonio Montaldo, a plebeian, who made himself 
Doge of Genoa, in the year 1393, when he was only 22 
years old. In the " History of the Revolutions of Ge- 
noa," he is described " as daring and ambitious, with a 
genius equal to the most extensive views, yet of a forgiv- 
ing temper." Great license is taken with history in the 
conduct of the play, but the character of Montaldo is faith- 
fully and well represented. The success of this drama, 
on its production in Boston, was very decided, and the 
house, on the third night, crowded to overflowing with 
the most brilliant audience of the season. Its represen- 
tation in the other principal cities of the Union will prob- 
ably precede its publication, there being, unfortunately, 
no law in the United States securing to dramatic writers 
a compensation for the production of their published 
works on the stage. Another play, by the «ame author, 
a tragedy of the most powerful dramatic inte> st, entitled 



AMERICAN AUTHORS. 103 

Velasco, is in preparation, and has, by competent judges, 
been pronounced vastly superior to the first ; if so, its 
complete success cannot for one moment be doubtful. 

Besides these authors there is yet a number with whose 
names the British public are familiar. Miss Sigourney, 
Miss Sedgwick, (author of Hope Leslie,) Mrs. Child, (par- 
ticularly known as a moral and political writer,) and 
Charles Brockden Brown (author of Edgar Huntly, Car- 
win and Wieland,) need no commendation from my pen. 
Nathaniel P. Willis, the youngest of the American min- 
strels, has earned glory and the minstrel's reward in 
England, and Mr. Theodore S. Fay is well known as the 
author of " Norman Leslie." Mrs. Child has just pub- 
lished a new novel, " Philothea," replete with imagina- 
tion and classical learning, and imbued with that spirit of 
morality which distinguishes all her productions. 

In the deparlment of science and education a number 
of original writers have distinguished themselves, not 
only by composing text-books, but also by publishing 
works in the higher departments of knowledge. The 
philosophical works of Cousin have been translated and 
published in Boston ; and Dr. Nathaniel Bo wd itch has 
furnished the best translation of La Place's " Mecanique 
Celeste," with notes and figures (these were wanting in 
the original) occupying nearly one half of the work.* 

* It is, perhaps, not unworthy of notice that Mr. Hamilton, in his 
learned criticism on American scholars, should have so far travelled 
out of his orbit, as to condemn them, because they thought themselves 
mathematicians without reading La Place, and philosophers without 
understanding Cousin. This idea the learned author introduces 
amongst a number of not less ingenions remarks on American college- 
education, compared to that of England. Now, whatever the advan- 
tages of an English collegiate education may be. La Place's Mecanique 
Celeste forms no text book either in a British or French university, 
and is not even among the works prescribed for the pupils of the 6cole 
polytechdque. As regards the philosophy of Cousin, which, in fact, is 
based upon his intimate acquaintance with German metaphysics, I am 
inclined to believe that many a British scholar would have to renounce 
his claims to philosophy, if the works of that writer were to be made 
the criterion of his knowledge. Cousin is far from being generally 
understood by his own countrymen; and we may, therefore, infer that 
he is not quite so intelligible to every Englishman as to the author of 
" Men and Manners." At any rate, the Americans possess a transla- 
tion of Cousin, and until the English shall have shown the same taste 
for metaphysics, Mr. Hamilton's remarks on American scholarship 
can only prove injurious to his own countrymen. 



104 NATIONAL LITERATURE. 

Were these works published in a new, original lan- 
guage, no doubt could exist, in the mind of any European 
philosopher, as to their composing the most ample ele- 
ments of a national literature; but, published in an Euro- 
pean language an invidious comparison obtrudes itself in- 
voluntarily on the reader; and he declares them — perhaps 
against his will — as imitations of the classical literature 
of England. The Americans, as they increase in wealth 
and power, will enlarge also the field of their literature. 
It will be strongly tinctured with the spirit of freedom 
which pervades their country ; their imagination will re- 
flect the gigantic scenery of the New World, in compari- 
son to which that of Europe (with the exception of Swit- 
zerland) represents but a miniature picture; they will 
have their epos, their lyric and dramatic poesy, but to an 
Englishman they will appear as so many annexations to 
British literature. 

America has an European origin, an European lan- 
guage, and an European civilization ; three circumstances 
which will always connect her with Europe, and estab- 
lish a reciprocal action between the Old and New world. 
Every English classical poet will be read in America, as 
the works of every American author of celebrity will con- 
stitute part of an English library. Washington Irving 
and Cooper are now as much read in England as Scott 
and Bulwer in America; and there is no reason why a 
similar reciprocity should not exist in the future. 

But the English classics, Shakspeare and Milton, will 
forever remain the models of Americans, as they are to 
this moment the beau ideal of the Germans. Genius be- 
longs to no soil ; its action is universal, and cannot be 
shut out frorh a country like an article of contraband. 
Where it is once admitted, it creates admirers ; and from 
admiration to imitation the transition is too natural to 
suppose that the Americans alone should prove an excep- 
tion to the rule. Besides, the national distinctions which 
characterise the people of Europe and America are grad- 
ually dying away : the feelings and sentiments of Amer- 
icans are fast gaining ground, not only in Europe, but all 
over the world ; and unless some forcible revolution take 
place must eventually become those of mankind in gene- 
ral. What changes of feelings have not the English and 



REFLECTIONS ON AMERICAN LITERATURE. 105 

French undergone for tlie last thirty years? What, those 
of the Germans 1 But every pohtical change in the gov- 
ernment of a nation must necessarily affect its literature. 
England, France and Germany furnish examples of this 
doctrine. There is less difference now between the senti- 
ments of a liberal German and an Englishman, than there 
was, at the time of the American revolution, between the 
British and the inhabitants of the United States ; and 
there is certainly more similarity between the writings of 
Byron, Schiller and Lamartine than could ever be discov- 
ered between those of Shakspeare and Racine. But if 
the literature of a ])eople, speaking a different language 
is gradually losing its national characteristics, what can 
be expected from a literary branch of one and the same 
language ? 

Another circumstance checking the growth of a nation- 
al, independent literature in America, is her constant and 
increased intercourse with Europe. The national pecu- 
liarities of a people — in which their literature always 
participates — are generally founded on prejudices, or re- 
ligious superstition. Both these must yield to the superi- 
or light of Christianity and the knowledge resulting from 
actual observation. 

The national features of the English, the French and 
the Germans, are not derived from the period of their 
civilization ; but, on the contrary, from the times of their 
barbarism. The warlike manners of the French are still 
those of the ancient Gauls, the most characteristic fea- 
tures of the English are yet Saxon, and the best knowl- 
edge of the German character may yet be derived from 
Tacitus. 

America was civilized in her very origin. The early 
settlers felt, thought, and believed as their brethren in 
Europe ; or, at least, did not differ from them sufficiently 
to create permanent distinctions. The people who ob- 
structed their progress and whom they conquered by 
arms, were not sufficiently powerful to call for an extraor- 
dinary demonstration of valor. It was not an expedition 
of Argonauts in quest of the golden fleece : it did nol 
even partake of the military glory of the conquest of 
Mexico. The American Indians were a degraded race, 
without history, memory, or tradition. They seem to 



106 REFLECTIONS ON 

have been the remnants of a once powerful people,* 
whom a general plague or a series of internal wars had 
reduced to the condition of the most abject wretchedness. 
There was no renown attached to their subjugation; it 
was the victory of intelligence over the barbarism of sav- 
ages. No poetry, therefore, attaches to the conquest of 
the American soil, and the history of it is only remarka- 
ble from its conjunction with that of Europe. It was the 
oppression of Europe which settled the American wilder- 
ness ; it was the resistance against Europe, which intro- 
duced America into the ranks of nations. Previous to 
that period America had been a European province, and 
its history an appendage to that of Ewigland. America 
enjoyed the political existence of a nation before it had 
an historical one by geniture. No mythological fable is 
blended with her origin. Her children are not descended 
from the gods or the sun ; they are pious Christians, who, 
from simple colonists, have at once risen into a powerful 
national independence. Had the American Indians, at 
the time of the European settlements, been a strong or- 
ganized nation, who, by amalgamating with the colonists, 
would have tinctured the manners of the settlers, and in 
turn received the superior arts of civilization, then a na- 
tional literature, essentially different from the English, 
might, perhaps, have arisen from the conjunction; but it 
would have been that of the Indians, and not of the set- 
tlers ; it w^ould have retarded the progress of indepen- 
dence for centuries, and, in its stead, given birth to anoth- 
er system of vassalage. 

Another means of levelling national distinctions con- 
sists in the propagation of learning. The man of sci- 
ence belongs to no country, and has no prejudices except 
in favor of those who are his superiors in knowledge. In 
the common course of nature, the art's precede the sci- 
ences in every country, as poetry comes before prose: in 
America alone the sciences have preceded the arts, and 
thus raised the nation beyond the tender susceptibility of fic- 
tion. — Rousseau's motto, 

" Plus'qu'on raisonne moins qu^on aime,^^ 
applies not only to man, but also to Nature. The poetry 

* Their religion, rites, and even their bravery seem to warrant this> 
conclusion. 



AMERICAN LITERATURE. 107 

and awe with which Nature inspires an untutored mind 
are no concomitants of the demonstrative reasoning of 
mechanical philosophy; and her terrors cease to be sub- 
lime when disarmed by the discovery of Franklin.* The 
sciences, which teach us to subject nature to human will, 
are most destructive of the imagination ; and the universe 
itself appears pitiable in the shape of an orrery. Even 
the most profound researches of mathematical analysis 
diminisii the poetic grandeur of the heavens, by reducing 
the infinite and boundless to the computation of the " in- 
finitely smalU^ 

How immeasurably great, how infinitely sublime are the heavens ! 
But the spirit of liitlemss pulled even heaven down.t 

The Americans, as a nation, cannot be said to be infe- 
rior in science to any people in Europe ; for not only 
are its most useful branches more generally diffused and 
applied in the United States than either in England or 
France, but also the most abstruse departments of knowl- 
edge are cultivated and improved by men of competent tal- 
ents. Their number, assuredly, is not as great as in Eu- 
rope ; but still they exist, and are sufficient to imprint a 
character on the nation. But men of science, as I have 
remarked before, belong to no country, and are, in them- 
selves, incapable of giving a national impulse. They may 
excite emulation and contribute to the development of 
intellect ; but they cannot create such lasting distinctions 
and peculiarities, as we are in the habit of claiming for 
ihe national literature of a people. 

America has not passed through the different stages of 
civilization, each of which leaves its historical monu- 
ments and a distinct impression on the people. There 
was no community of religion, and hardly of feeling 
previous to their common resistance against England ! It 
was the genius of liberty which gave America a national 
elevation ; and it is to this genius, therefore, we must look 
for national productions. It is the bond of union, the con- 
fession, the religion, the life of Americans ; it is that which 
distinguishes them above all other nations in the world. 

* What can be more averse to poetry, than the thunderbolt of Jove 
made harmless when caught by a lightning-rod. 

t " So unermesslich ist, so mnendlich erhaben der Himmel! 
Aber der Kleinigkeitsgeist zog auch den Himmel herab." 

Schiller's Poems. 



108 REFLECTIONS ON 

But the genius of liberty, though it has chosen Ameri- 
ca for its permanent dwelling, overshadows, also, a por- 
tion of Europe. England, France, and Germany are 
roused by its summons ; and the poet of Europe, inspired 
by the same muse, kneels at the same altar, and worships 
the same God. Thus, the Americans, instead of being a 
distinct people, have become the representatives of liberty 
throughout the world. Their country has become the 
home of the banished; the asylum of the persecuted, 
the prospective heaven of the poHtically damned. Every 
people of Europe is represented in the United States ; 
every tongue is spoken in the vast domain of freedom ; 
thehislory of every nation terminates in that of America. 

But this gigantic conglomeration, while it prognosti- 
cates the future sway of the United States, while it prom- 
ises to revive the history of all ages and of every clime, 
is, nevertheless, one of the principal causes why America 
possesses, as yet, no national literature. Yet there is suf- 
ficient of English leaven in this enormous mass to pene- 
trate even its uttermost particles. The fructifying prin- 
ciple is every where visible, and the fruits are not tardy of 
coming. But the seed is English, though the soil and 
the climate may give it a different development. 

But, though the literature of America be not a legiti- 
mate child of the soil, it may become so by adoption, and 
as such form a most important and distinct branch of that 
of England. Compared to English literature, its position 
will, perhaps, be similar in rank to the respective political 
importance of the country; and who can tell, but at some 
future period, when the British muse may have become si- 
lent, her younger sister may revive her memory, and pro- 
claim her fame, and her glorious effusions, to all the na- 
tions of the world 1 

Mr. Cliasle^ in the Revue des deux 3Iondes, expresses 
his belief that America is not the land of the muses ; be- 
cause the commerce and continued occupation of her in- 
habitants preclude alike the commission of great crimes, 
and the leisure required for poetic inspiration. With him, 
the Americans are too happy a people. They marry at 
too early an age, live without intrigue, and prosper till 
they grow old. There is nothing so prosaic in the eyes 
of Mr. Chasle as steam-boats, rail-roads, and the building 



AMERICAN LITERATURE. 109 

of new cities. Where there is commercial and industri- 
ous activity, there is, in his opinion, no spot consecrated 
to poetry.* 

* D'ailleurs, " says Mons. Chasle," il y a peu de mal-itre en AmArique ; 
la poesie sovffre de cet Hat prospere. Le Mal-etre fait les grands 

POETES. (!) 

How unfortunate must have been the times of Shakspeare ! What 
influence must they not have had on Goethe! 

^' En A7)i6riqn£," continues Mons. Chasle, " des qu'un citoyen est 
vidcontent, qii'unfils trouve sa Ugitivie trop courts, q^c^un hanqueroutier 
se lasse de sa cinquieme banqueroute, il y a, pour tous ces hommes, la res- 
source du desert, ressource honorable et rehabilitante,. colonisation inces- 
sante et facile. On dtfriche, on exploite, on travaille, et nul n'y trouve a 
redire. La socitti cample sur cet exutoire perp6tueL Mais aussi elle 
Ti'a pas de Lord Byron, que les souffrances des salons grandissent (! !) et 
irritent; pas de chapelain Crabbe qui ait vecu a V6cole de la faim et de 
la souff ranee; pas d' Ebenezer Elliot qui se plaigne en vers eloquents de 
n^ avoir pas de pain ; fas de Lamartine, que les tourmcnts de Vempire et 
de la restauration aient rameni a la poesie r6ligieuse, pas de B6ranger 
qui exprinie avec un sourire amer le d6sillusionement des peuples. Helas I 
que d'amertume suns doute chez tous ces poetes 1 Que d'angoisses dans 
Vinspiration de lews chants. VAmerique septentrionale est trop hfureuse 
aujourd' hui de son exertion physique pour produire rien qui en ap- 
procheJ^ 

Alas ! how distant is yet the golden age of American Literature 
The coteries are yet too kind and condescending to produce a Lord By- 
ron ; the people too well fed to become poets, and there is no man in 
the United States who can sing " that he has no bread." No military 
despotism nor political misrule has, as yet, brought sufficient misery on 
the people to make their poets once more embrace the religion which 
they never abandoned ; and there is no man to smile on their delusive 
love of libertv and independence ! As long as the West remams open 
to the enterprise of merchants and settlers, as long as the soil is fertile 
and the people willing to exert themselves to obtain an honest liveli- 
hood, just as long will America be deprived of poets; who, in the opin- 
ion of Mr. Chasle of the Revue des deux Mondes, have this remarkable 
property in common with the grey-hounds, that they show their talents 
best when they are hungry. 

Again he says, " 11 est (the American) trop paisiblement heureux, trop 
facilement moral (1) par temp&ravient et par habitiide. Sa d6stin6e 
marche o.vec une simpiicii6 trop grave. 11 n'a pas memc le loisir de se 
crier ces douleurs de milancolique reverie, ces douleurs voluptueuses dont 
nous cannaissonstouteVamertumeettotde la sensuality, ces peinesraffinies 
qid sont des tristesses de luxe. VHat social dans lequel il vit Voblige^ a 
Vadiviti la plus constante ; tout ce qui Ventoure partctge cette activitt ; 
les routes se creusent, les rainures se forment ; les bois 5' abattent, V eau 
gronde dans les canaux : le sol est bouleversd ;les manufactures naissent; 
les machines siffient, murmurent, enf anient leur prod^dts ; les villes sor- 
tent de terre comme le fungus apres la pluie ; la vapeur et les chemins de 
fer anAantissentVespdce et muUiplient la terre. Poisiel Poisiel toi qui 
veuxle silence, V ombr e,le bonheur durepos; toi qui n'es ficonde que loin 
10 



110 REFLECTIONS ON 

This rhapsody savors much of the French criticism of 
German literature, when, not more than fifteen years ago, 
"one of the members of the Academy" declared in plena 
that tlie Germans could never become an imaginative peo- 
ple, because their sky was never blue. Mr. Chasle's ob- 
servations are neither founded on philosophical observa- 
tion, nor do they betoken the least knowledge of the hu- 
man heart. All the feelings and passions which ever 
stimulated men to virtue or hurried them into the com- 
mission of crimes; all the disappointments of life which 
tune the heart to melancholy sadness ; frustrated hopes, 
baffled ambition, ''the pangs of despised love," and "the 
spurns that patient merit of the unworthy takes," exist in 
America as in Europe : the nation alone is as yet exempt- 
ed from the tragedy. In all her combats, in all her strug- 
gles, the republic has been the victor, and the individual 
woe is buried in the general prosperity. There is enough 
of the drama in the lives of Americans, though it may es- 
cape the eye of a French critic. 

de Vadiviti matirlellc, et dc la production brute^ iu n'as rien a (aire en 
untelpaysJ' 

« * * * * * * 

" Je ne dis point que la vertu soit incompatible avec le ginie. Non cer- 
tes; peuples et individus n^achkierontpas le ginie en adoptoM le vice; 
mais U71C certaine exactitude de comptoir, une certaine pi6t6 deformule, 
une certaine r6gularitt micanique, iteignent le feu des arts, sans profit 
po^ir la veritable vertu." {[) 

Less industry, less honesty, and less regularity in the manners and 
habits of the people, would probably be more congenial to the g&nie d' 
artiste, and to what Mr. Chasle calls " une moraliti. haute, passionie, 
religieuse, puissante," though it would be difficult for an Englishman 
to understand the precise meaning of a high, passionate, religions, pow- 
erful morality, which, to a logical mind, would convey nothing but a 
contradictio in adjccto. 

But Mr. Chasle's idea of poetry will be better understood from the 
following ultra-Uheral sentiment. 

" Si vous 6tez a la France sa sociabilite feconde en dijauts et en illu- 
sions, sa galant eric enevvie dcsma^urs et de lafidilite conjugale, safa^ 
cilit6 cV impression et d'emotion, a VEspagne son vdpris romain pour la 
vie des hommes etson orgueilleuse etiquette, et son catliolicisme terrible, e i 
son point dlwnneur firoce, vous dessicherez lastve vitale du g6niechez 
ces nations diver scvient grandes." 

The English were probably ignorant of the fact stated by Mr. Chasle, 
that the want of conjugal fidelity in the French, and the bigotry and 
besottedness of the Spaniards, form the principal elements of their 
greatness. Many a generation must pass away before the Americans 
will catch the inspiration, and become as "great and poetical a nation " 
as the French or the Spaniards! 



AMERICAN LITERATURE. Ill 

But there is something in their activity, in the enthu- 
siastic ardor with which they penetrate into their hoary 
forests, and subject nature to their will, which is truly in- 
comprehensible to Europeans. Most nations, in the early 
stages of their history, had to fight for their existence ; 
every foot of territory was disputed by their neighbors, 
and it was through combat they became strong and pow- 
erful. The Americans had no such enemy to contend 
with, none to resist their expanding power, or to call 
their martial valor into action. Yet war and strife con- 
stitute the lives of nations as of individuals ; and this war 
the Americans wage against the elements. There is 
something heroic in the voluntary banishment of a New 
Englander to fertilize the wilderness; there is sublimity in 
the sufferings and hardships of those exiles from the re- 
finements of civilized Europe. The boldness and daring 
of the Western settler is really chivalrous, and surpasses 
even the achievements of the mariner. This is the Trojan 
war of the Americans, though they have not, as yet, found 
a Homer to immortalize their exploits. No Roman vir- 
tus milUaris is nursed by their deeds, no terror and deso- 
lation mark their footsteps ; but a nobler virtue is reared 
in the midst of those forests of a thousand years — a vir- 
tue which will outlast the memory of Greece and Rome 
— the virtus civilis of the Americans. 

In the Western States the foundation is laying for the 
wealth and power of future empires. But, I repeat it, 
America is not yet settled ; her youthful forces are yet em- 
ployed in subduing nature and establishing governments. 
The first act of the American drama has hardly com- 
menced, and should we already judge of its completion 1 
Who can deny the capacity of Americans for literature, 
when the very first day of their national existence brought 
forth authors who could dispute the palm with the most fer- 
tile poets of Europe 1 Where is the French novelist whose 
works, in literary Germany, are read with as much delight 
as those of Cooper and Irving 7 There never was a na- 
tion incapacitated for literature, if once capable of civili- 
zation ; the idea itself is a logical absurdity. Add to this 
that the Americans are already in possession of a classic- 
al language, capable of expressing thoughts with ele- 
gance and precision, and the assertion becomes a bare- 



112 TASTE FOR POETRY AND NOVELS. 

faced effrontery. In whatever contemptuous terms Eu- 
ropeans may speak of American literature, it is neverthe- 
less a most powerful propagator of intelligence, and occu- 
pies and expands the mind until scenes of a different na- 
ture shall rouse it to increased poetic action. 

But if the Americans are not all poets, they, at least, 
read poetry with an avidity which borders on gluttony. 
Poetry is produced and consumed in America in most 
enormous quantities. Besides the publications in the 
newspapers, of which they form the necessary condiment, 
there hardly passes a day without ushering a new volume 
into existence, which is greedily read, admired, censured 
— but at any rate — sold. There are, certainly, more po- 
ets among the Americans than prose writers, owing to a 
kind of musical impulse, which makes them express them- 
selves in rhymes. But, above all, it is the prevailing 
taste of the readers, which calls for this extraordinary ex- 
ertion on the part of the authors, as the manufactory of 
goods must increase with the consumption. 

The Americans, as a nation, are the most reading peo- 
ple on the face of the earth. I can safely assert that there 
are annually more volumes read in the United States of 
America, than either in England, France, or German; 
but the favorite works are poetry, and next to them novels. 

This tender and delicate taste is owing to the circum- 
stance of the ladies reading more than the gentlemen ; 
the latter being at a very early period of their lives enga- 
ged in business, or in a habit of improving their leisure 
hours with the more serious works on the sciences. Every 
volume of English poetry, every English novel, is reprint- 
ed in America within sixty days or less of its publication, 
and, in addition to these, five or six hundred native au- 
thors keep the press continually thronged, and contribute 
to the diversion of the public. The Germans publish an- 
nually a great number of books; but they are, in these 
respects, vastly inferior to the Americans ; and, above 
all, they are not so much read. There exists in Germa- 
ny a " Republic of Letters," but its fame has hardly reach- 
ed the middle and lower classes. The German literati 
form a distinct class by themselves, and are supported 
and fed by one another, which accounts sufficiently for 
their want of corpulency. In America they prey upon 



TASTE FOR SCIENCE. 113 

the people at large, and their flushed cheeks and sprightly 
carriage show, at least, that they are not in want of the 
necessary beef and mutton. What consolation, after all, 
is it to an author to be read and admired by a few of his 
jDcers, while, in the mean time, he is starving in his gar- 
ret ? The Americans, of all people, are the most grate- 
ful to their authors ; and there is many an European 
writer that would give half of his fair reputation for a 
share in the favor of the Trans-atlantic public. 

Of scientific works, those on mathematics are most 
generally studied ; and next to them the works on natu- 
ral philosophy, chemistry, and mineralogy, with which 
the greater portion of Americans (even of the inferior or- 
ders) are tolerably well acquainted. I have often been 
surprised at the philosophical explanations given by ope- 
rative mechanics of the various processes of their art; 
and I have seldom known one who, in so doing, would not 
use the most appropriate technical terms. 

Elementary works on the sciences are read by all class- 
es without distinction, and the authors of them have fre- 
quently become rich by the rapid sale of their works. 
Many of them are really possessed of intrinsic merit and 
originality, and have even been reprinted in England. 
Colburn's Algebra and Arithmetic have been published to 
the number of more than one hundred thousand copies ; 
Comstock's Philosophy has passed through four or five 
large editions, and new works in these branches are con- 
stantly issuing from the press. 

The call for scientific works does not, in many instan- 
ces, extend much beyond the elements ; but this is the 
case in all countries, and must be still more so in the Uni- 
ted States, where a great proportion of the reading and 
studying community is composed of persons, who, in Eu- 
rope, would never take up a book. 

I have known but few American operatives, who, at the 
age of thirty or forty, were not willing to improve their 
early education by the study of mathematical and other 
works, to which they would apply themselves in the hours 
of rest. An American is never too old to go to school, 
and this is one of the happiest traits of his character. It is 
a feature which, as far as I remember, has not been ob- 
served by any English traveller. Mr. Hamilton is the oii« 
10* 



114 HISTORICAL WRITERS- 

ly one, who, in his " Men and Manners," observed, that, 
in Boston, he listened to a lecture on the steam-engine, 
which was evidently delivered by an operative mechanic^* 
and was, in his opinion, remarkably clear and instructive. 
He ought to have added that the greater number of his 
hearers were also composed of mechanics, and of men of 
butiness, who employed the hours of relaxation in the im- 
provement of their mental faculties. Had Mr. Hamilton 
taken further information on the subject, he would have 
learned that lectures on every branch of useful knowledge 
are periodically delivered in Boston and Philadelphia, 
and that the most respectable inhabitants of those cities 
are in the habit of frequenting them for their favorite 
recreation. He might have enlarged on the influence 
which such a prevailing taste must necessarily have on 
the morals of the people, and to what improvements it 
must lead in every department of science. He might 
have learned also that in almost every town and village 
throughout the United States there exist associations of 
gentlemen and operative mechanics for the promotion of 
useful knowledge;! that the most learned and informed 
of these lecture gratuitously to the others ; and that each 
of these societies is provided with the necessary books 
and maps for the study of its junior members. He might 
have seen that same operative of whom he speaks in his 
work, instructing a class of other operative mechanics 
and apprentices, in the elements of algebra and geometry, 
and would have been satisfied with the proficiency of both 
teacher and pupils. But the learned author deemed it 
sufiicient to visit the library of Harvard College, near 
Boston, and judged at once, from its meagerness (it con- 
tains at present little more than 40,000 vols.) that the 
Americans will always remain tyros in the sciences. 

The historical department of American literature is 
more deficient than any other ; but historical writers sel- 
dom live in the period of a nation's prosperity, and when 
they do, their history is poetry. The Americans, more- 
over, from their great respect for their patriots, seem to be 
more inclined to reading and writing biographies, which 

* It was Mr. Claxton, of Boston, one of the most ingenious philo- 
sophical instrument makers of thai city, 
t These have received the name of " Lyceums.-' 



GEOGKAFH^CAL WORKS. 115 

furnish at least excellent data for history. Jared Sparks 
and George Bancroft are authors of great eminence, and 
deserve all possible credit for the honesty and scrupulous- 
ness with which they have collected the materials for a 
History of the United States; but the arrangement of their 
works (of George Bancroft's History of the United States, 
I have only seen the first volume) does not appear to be 
throughout suitable to the subject; and above all, there 
seems to be wanting that indispensable classification of 
greater and minor events, that subordination of inferior 
incidents to the leading facts, that philosophical view and 
calm contemplation of events as connected with the des- 
tinies of mankind, and the development of human char- 
acter in general, which constitute the chief merit of an 
historian. The best history of the United States, publish- 
ed in America, was written by Marshal, in form of a " Bi- 
ography of George Washington ; " and to this moment 
the ablest commentaries on the rise and progress of the 
United States of America are to be found in the lives and 
memoirs of her Statesmen. 

But there is one particular branch, as I shall hereafter 
have occasion to remark, in which the Americans excel, 
and for the study of which they have made the most am- 
ple provisions. I would allude to the knowledge of ge- 
ography, which in no country is so generally diffused as 
in the United States. The cultivation of this branch of 
learning is facilitated by excellent maps, published in all 
the large cities of the union, at prices even lower than 
those of Germany. The art of engraving or lithograph- 
ing maps has been much perfected in Boston and Phila- 
delphia, and from the latter city have issued the best and 
most correct publications of atlases. For charts, howev- 
er, the Americans have generally recourse to the English, 
which, I believe, are preferred by all navigators, on ac- 
count of their great correctness and minuteness of detail. 

The mania for periodicals, which exists in all the large 
towns of Europe, has also spread to America, and ac- 
cordingly the " North American " and "Quarterly" re- 
views, besides a number of " Monthly Magazines," bear- 
ing the names of "American," " Boston," "New Eng- 
land," (fcc. have been called into existence, not so much 
to encourage or damn the offsprings of American geniusj 



116 AMERICAN AND FRENCH PERIODICALS- 

as to talk promiscuously about the literature and science 
of Europe, and to afford the critic an opportunity of ex- 
hibiting his own profundity of knowledge. Something 
similar to it exists also in England, and particularly in 
Scotland, where the title of the book on which the critic 
expands is frequently the means of introducing his own 
reflections, without the least regard to the work he is 
about to review. A very inferior writer may thus find an 
opportunity of acquiring celebrity by coupling his name 
with that of an author of superior reputation, and pass- 
ing sentence on him to whom the public look up with 
reverence. There is a peculiar arrogance in assuming 
the judge's seat without a jury or counsel for the defend- 
ant ; and the vulgar are but too apt to believe in the 
wisdom of gentlemen in office. Neither is there an ap- 
peal from the judgment of these petty tyrants, except to 
the public at large, whose opinion is generally forestalled 
by the criticism of the reviewer. In Germany there ex- 
ist already several literary journals, admitting of critique 
and contre-critique, and inserting neither one nor the oth- 
er without the name of the author. A man knows in this 
way by whom he is wronged, and is not injured beyond 
the possibility of redress. 

The American periodicals, like the English, are often 
devoted to politics ; and party feelings and scandal are 
frequently mixed with learned dissertations on the sci- 
ences. The " Southern Review," which was published in 
Charleston, South Carolina, was probably the best peri- 
odical which ever appeared in the United States. Though 
its contributions were anonymous, they were evidently the 
effusions of the most prominent talents of the south ; and 
though its editors were also unknown, Mr. Legare, the late 
American charge d'affaires at the Court of Brussels was 
named as its chief conductor. The principal English pe- 
riodicals are all reprinted in the United States, and a col- 
lection of them appears, in New York, for not quite the 
price of any one of them in England. 

When the bulk of these publications is considered, it 
is really astonishing that the Americans should find 
time to read half of them, with their own works and 
newspapers, without neglecting their more serious oc- 
cupations — commerce, manufactures and agriculture. 
A Revue Frangaise is published in New York, and a 



SCIENTIFIC JOURNALS. 117 

French paper, " Le Courier des Etats Unis "^ is also es- 
tablished in that city. But no German literary establish- 
ment does, as yet, grace any city of the Union. The 
German daily and weekly papers, which are published in 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois and Missouri, do not deserve 
that name. Several French classical authors have been 
reprinted in the United States, but, with the exception of 
prayer-books, no similar honor has as yet been done to a 
German writer of eminence. Is there not one among the 
five hundred periodicals of Germany which deserves be- 
ing republished or read in the United States? Would 
not a collection from the best of them, published, quarter- 
ly, in form of a translation, be an useful addition to Amer- 
ican reading? 

Amongst the periodicals dedicated to science, " Profes- 
sor Silliman's Journal " occupies the first rank, and is 
well known throughout Europe ; the remainder, however, 
contain chiefly extracts from English publications, with 
very little original matter. "The Mechanic's Magazine," 
of New York, however, is a clever publication ; and " The 
Mathematical Diary," published by Professor Renwick, 
contains nothing but original communications. 

The best medical journals are " The American Journal 
of Medical Sciences," of Philadelphia; "The Archive 
of Medicine and Surgery," of Baltimore ; " Tiie Journal 
of Medicine and Surgery," of Boston, — ^' The Medical 
Magazine," published at the same city, and the " Journal 
of Medicine and Surgery in the United States," published 
in New York ; besides a great number of others on dif- 
ferent branches of the science. 

On jurisprudence there are but few periodical publica- 
tions in the shape of journals or magazines ; but on the- 
ology there are several commanding the attention of the 
public. The '^Christian Examiner," published by the 
Unitarians in Boston, contains essays on ethics and mor- 
als, written in a masterly style, but cannot strictly be call- 
ed a theological publication, in the sense in which the 
term is generally applied in Europe. 

As to the number of newspapers published in the Unit- 
ed States, nothing definite can be said about it, except that 
it baffles all attempts at computation; there being hardly 
a village or a settlement of a dozen houses in any part of 



118 NEWSPAPERS. 

the country, without a printing establishment and a paper. 
The amount of knowledge and useful information circu- 
lated by these most powerful engines of civilization, is 
really enormous ; and, although no great depth of reason- 
ing or proficiency of learning particularly distinguishes 
the fraternity of editors, common good sense is neverthe- 
less the characteristic of an American paper ; as without 
this most necessary commodity it would be difficult for 
them to make the least impression upon the public* The 
amount of circulation is prodigious, and greatly facilitated 
by the reduced postage. 

Each paper, not carried out of the state in which it is 
published; or if carried out of the state not over one hun- 
dred miles beyond it, pays but one cent, and if over one 
hundred miles out of the state, never more than one and 
a half cent postage ; and it is even contemplated to abol- 
ish the postage on newspapers altogether. Printers of 
newspapers may send one paper to each and every other 
printer of newspapers within the United States free of 
postage, under such regulations as the Postmaster Gene- 
ral may provide. f Thus, an inhabitant of Boston or New 

* The first printing-press was established in Massachusetts, in 1638; 
and the first printing done in 1639. The first American newspaper, 
" The Boston News Letter," Avas published in Boston, in 1704. " The 
Boston Gazette " succeeded in 1719; and at the same time (Dec. 22d. 
of the same year) " The American Weekly Mercury " was published 
at Philadelphia. The first newspaper in New York, " The New York 
Gazette," was printed in 1725; and from that lime newspapers w^ere in- 
troduced into all the other colonies. All these journals, however, were 
subjected to a kind of censorship, which continued till the year 1755. 
It is, perhaps, not altogether unworthy of notice that the first three 
things printed in America were " ike freeman'' s oath" " an almanac cal- 
culatcdfoY New England," and " the psalms in metre" — three publica- 
tions singularly expressive of the New England character. 

t The rate of postage on Magazines and pamphlets is as follows: — 

If published periodically, distance not > . , , 

exceeding 100 miles - - \ ^^ ^^^^ P®^ ^^^^^^• 

Ditto, distance exceeding 100 miles 2^ ditto. 

If not published periodically, distance) , ■,■,. 
not exceeding 130 miles - - \ ^ ^"^°' 

Ditto, distance over 100 miles - 6 ditto. 

" Ev^ery printed pamphlet and magazine, which contains more than 
twenty-four pages on a royal sheet, or any sheet oiless dimensions, shall 
be charged by the sheet; and small pamphlets, printed on a half or 
quarter sheet of royal or less size, shall be charged with half the a-^ 
mount of postage charged on a full sheet." 



INFLUENCE OF THE PERIODICAL PRESS. 119 

York is able to read the New Orleans papers with little 
more than an additional expense of four dollars fifty cents, 
or less than one pound sterling per annum; and the in- 
habitants of the South are at the same cheap rate furnish- 
ed with information from the North. 

Of all the instruments which have been invented for 
the emancipation of the human mind, the periodical 
press is the most powerful. Its action is unceasing ; its 
force irresistible ; its achievements more lasting than the 
conquests of arms. The pen has disarmed the sword; 
and the type-metal of the printer speaks louder than the 
despot's cannon. This is as well understood in Europe 
as in America. While England looks upon the liberty of 
the press as the "palladium of her civil and religious 
rights," * the French are constantly endeavoring to throw 
off the shackles with which their cunning legislators have 
at all times tied and disarmed it ; and the petty tyrants of 
Germany, while they hardly object to large volumes of 
liberal sentiments, take great pains to enslave the jjcriodi- 
cal press by a most odious censorship, lest, little by little, 
the minds of their subjects might catch the Promethean 
fire.t 

The most sublime idea expressed or read only once, 
makes but a faint impression when compared to the effects 
of unceasing, daily repeated sentiments, spoken by a thou- 
sand tongues, and repeated and rehearsed by thousands 
of thousands. It is not so much the force of eloquence 
with which these sentiments are uttered ; it is the repeti- 
tion of them which accounts for their power. The same 
idea is expressed in a thousand different manners, until 
finally one of them is suited to the capacity of the reader, 
and produces the desired effect. The operations of the 
press are slow, when compared to the effects of oratory ; 
hut they are more lasting and universal. Few only can 
be convinced by the power of speech, millions re-echo 
the sentiments of the press. They are brought every day 
to our doors : wherever we move, their action follows us ; 

* Junius. 

t A work consisting of more than 20 sheets may be published in some 
of the smaller states of Germany, without being previously submitted to 
the censor ; but all smaller publications and papers cannot be printed 
without it. 



120 INFLUENCE OF TSfi 

in business or amusement, at home or abroad. Not a 
thought is expressed, not an idea is conceived, which is 
not destined to make the tour of the world ; and what 
was formerly the property of a few, becomes now the 
common wealth of millions. 

The periodical press, and the increased facilities with 
which its publications are distributed, have done more 
towards changing the face of the world, than was in the 
power of half a million of philosophers, or the bayonets of 
all the nations of Europe. But their action has only com- 
menced ; the future will show their power and influence 
on the destinies of mankind. 

Nothing is more common in the United States, (and, 
perhaps, also in Europe,) than to hear persons speak dis- 
paragingly of country papers and editors ; as if it were 
absurd for every hamlet to have its own press, and to ex- 
press its own sentiments. I confess myself no partisan 
to this opinion, and this for reasons which I am about to 
explain. 

Every society of men is capable of a certain intelli- 
gence, proportionate to their consciousness of power, and 
the degree of their moral and political independence. 
Nothing can promote either so much as the creation of a 
distinct organ for the assertion of both, or a means of 
extending their influence. Such an organ is created by 
the establishment of a newspaper, which, in every country 
where liberty of the press exists, must necessarily repre- 
sent the feelings and sentiments of the majority of its 
readers. Besides the political and other information 
which a little community derive from it, at a much cheaper 
rate than would be possible, if they were confined to the 
reading of city papers, they have in it also a means of 
communicating their own sentiments to the inhabitants of 
the towns, and thus to establish a kind of reciprocity, 
without which they would be reduced to a state of mere 
passiveness. Political life and action is thus created in 
every village, and a general interest in the public pros- 
perity produced throughout the country. 

There is nothing so dangerous to a republic, or to the 
institutions of good government in general, as a morbid 
excitability in one or a few of the large towns, with a 
comparative inaction on the part of the country. France 



COUNTRY PRESS. 121 

has, at all limes, given a most melancholy demonstration 
of the correctness of this doctrine ; and her present situa- 
tion is far from proving an exception to the rule. All the 
political life of France is concentrated at Paris, while the 
provinces are hardly able to re-echo the sentiments of the 
capital. Neither is the consent of the country deemed 
necessary whenever the Parisians think it expedient to 
change the form of their government, or to make conces- 
sions incompatible with the chartered liberties of the na- 
tion. There exists not even a means of ascertaining the 
sentiments of the country; since it possesses no organ of 
public opinion, and is not even conscious of the right of 
being heard, when the national institutions are in danger. 
A licentious mob, or a profligate faction may thus rule 
the destinies of a nation without the least regard to the 
benefits of those for whom government is properly insti- 
tuted. 

The country will forever be the best moderator of the 
cities. The passions of men are sooner excited when 
living in continual contact with one another, where per- 
sonal animosities and family quarrels lend to the fury of 
political parties, than where they are scattered over a 
large surface, mutually independent of one another, and 
therefore less anxious to make proselytes. 

On this account large cities will always be the worst 
repositories of public liberty, while the country will prove 
its best guardian.* If the inhabitants of the cities have 
better means of gathering intelligence, those of the coun- 
try have more leisure to think and reflect, and are less 
subject to the influence of parties. Each class of citizens 
has its peculiar advantages, and is entitled to an expres- 
sion of its opinion : and it is the interest of tiie politician, 
and the duty of the legislator, to bestow on both an 
adequate share of attention. 

. But there is yet another point of view in which country 
papers appear to me particularly useful. Thousands of 
persons are, by their influence, made to read, who wotild 
hardly think of it, if no other publications than those of 

* This, of course, must be understood of the farmers and planters in 
the United States, who are all proprietors and independent of one an- 
other— QXid not of the dependent farmers in England. 

11 



"!l22 INFLUENCE OP 

the large cities were at their command, whose sentiments 
and ojjinions correspond but seldom with their own, and 
from which they are too remote to be directly concerned 
in their political proceedings. They prefer to read what 
is dedicated to their immediate interests, and, by so doing, 
obtain a vast deal of political information, which they 
would not have been disposed to draw from any other 
source. 

It cannot be objected that the same, or even a greater 
degree of information would be gatliered from the period- 
ical publications of the cities, which would, undoubtedly, 
be read in lieu of those of the country. Independent of 
their style being less acceptable to the taste of those read- 
ers, they would establish a system of tutorship and de- 
pendency, which would preclude the free exercise of their 
judgment. The editor of a daily paper ought to be the 
representative of public opinion, and not a dictator, or a 
political pope, as in France, who preaches his infallible 
doctrine to town and country, without restraint or fear of 
contradiction. The editor of a city paper is always ready 
to pronounce judgment in a cause in which he never 
hears more than one party ; and, depending for subscrib- 
ers principally on the population of the large towns, it is 
not difficult to foresee in whose favor his judgment must 
incline. How easily is not the fountain of such informa- 
tion troubled ! Does not the same sentence convey dif- 
ferent meanings to men living at a distance from, and to 
those who are eye witnesses of, certain scenes? And, sup- 
pose the editor of such a paper to change sides, or to 
abandon a cause which, to him, appears no longer plau- 
sible, (to say nothing of the possibility of his being brib- 
ed,) are not the great majority of his country readers 
misled until they are made acquainted with the circum- 
stances of his conversion ? And may it not in this manner 
happen, that when there are but few organs of public 
opinion, and those misled or won by the leaders of a party, 
the opposition may, for a time, be left without a champi- 
on, or a means of asserting their rights ? Have we not a 
happy illustration of all this in the history of the period- 
ical press of France ? To how many parties was not the 
Journal dcs Dehats devoted ? How many times will it 
yet change sides and opinions ? And yet it was always 



COUNTRY PAPERS. 



123 



edited with talent, and ranks now with the best periodical 
pubUcations of France. Were there more papers pub- 
lished in the French provinces, their very number would 
be an obstacle to their being bribed ; and the govern- 
ment, by silencing half a dozen editors in Paris, would 
not effectually gag the whole nation. 1 repeat it — the in- 
habitants of the country are entitled to, and ought to 
have, their own organs of public opinion, as they enjoy 
the privilege of sending their own representatives to Con- 
gress. In whatever contempt country politicians may 
be held by a certain party, they are, nevertheless, a 
wholesome check upon the leading politicians of the 
cities, and save the country alike from the tyranny of a 
factious mob, and a selfish and narrow-minded aris- 
tocracy. 

Let no one say the people in the country ought to be 
differently employed from speculating upon politics ; or, 
that they ought to attend to their domestics concerns, and 
leave politics to the town. Such a guardianship would 
be fatal to their liberty and independence. The present 
times are neither made for Arcadian shepherds, nor for 
a patriarchal life, whatever poetry may be attached to 
either. Guardianship on the part of the rulers implies 
want of pupillaritj in the gnvfirned, and contains the 
principles and essence of slavery. On this account I 
congratulate America on the great number of country 
papers, which circulate throughout the Union, whatever 
be the literary deficiencies of some of their editors. Their 
number, and the good sense which pervades them, atone 
practically for the want or elegance of style in any one of 
them ; as their great utility is a sufficient apology for 
their comparatively slender pretensions to refinement and 
taste. 



CHAPTER Vr. 



PROGRESS OF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES. COM- 
MON SCHOOLS. AMERICAN INSTRUCTERS. LOAV ESTIMA- 
TION OF AMERICAN TEACHERS. COLLEGES. MEDICAL 

AND LAW SCHOOLS. THEOLOGICAL SEMINARIES. EDUCA- 
TION OF THE CLERGY. PUBLIC LIBRARIES. 



With the exception of Protestant Germany, there is 
no country in which so much has been done for the edu- 
cation of children, as in the United States of America. 
In all the large cities of the Union there are public free 
schools, and there is scarcely a hamlet unprovided with 
the means of elementary instruction. The States of New 
England have, in this respect, taken the lead, and all 
others have since made the amplest provisions for this 
branch of national development. 

In the State of Connecticut there is a school fund, 
from which the following dividends are made to each 
county. 



Counties. 


Children. 


Dividend in Dollars. 






Dollars. Cents. 


Fairfield 


13,524 


12,171 60 


Hartford 


14,2G1 


12,834 90 


Litchfield 


12,601 


11,340 90 


Middlesex 


7,337 


6,603 30 


New Haven ... 


11,789 


10,788 30 


New London 


12,044 


10,339 60 


Tolland 


6,671 


5,103 30 


Windham 

Total of Children 


8,057 


7,251 30 


86,284 


76,433 20 



FREE SCHOOLS. 125 

It appears, from this table, that there exists, in that 
State, a provision by which something more than four 
shiUings sterling per annum are allowed to every child 
from four to sixteen years of age, for the purpose of edu- 
cation ; a liberality which, I believe, is unequalled in any 
part of the world. 

Nor is this a solitary instance of American liberality in 
the department of instruction. The amount of tax raised 
in the State of Massachusetts for the support of common 
schools, averaged 350,000 dollars, or 70,000/. sterling per 
annum. The state of New York has a school fund of 
2,116,000 dollars, or 423,200/. sterling, invested in 9580 
school-houses ; and the expenses of common schools in 
that State amounted, in 1833, to 1,262,670 dollars 97 
cents, or 252,514/. sterling, nearly. 

Ohio, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina have also 
adopted the principle of free schools, and other States 
are gradually following the example. The inhabitants of 
Boston have made the most ample provisions for the edu- 
cation of children ; and the system of free schools, in that 
city, has become a model for imitation throughout the 
United States, where similar institutions are now fast 
rising into existence. 

The ablest and most skilful instructers in the United 
States are natives from New England, who are generally 
supposed to be better acquainted with school discipline, 
and better versed in the art of communicating ideas, than 
the rest of their countrymen. Their religious habits, 
and the severity of their morals, seem to qualify them par- 
ticularly for the task of "teaching the young idea how to 
shoot." It is computed that not less than sixty thousand 
New Englanders are employed annually in the instruc- 
tion of children, in the different States ; which single 
fact is more creditable to New England, than all the 
praises which could be bestowed on the industry and in- 
genuity of her inhabitants. 

I am afraid, however, that the pecuniary advantages of 
these gentlemen are not in proportion to their exertion, 
and that the vocation of an instructer is, after all, not the 
most honored in the United States. Much as the Amer- 
icans appreciate the services of a teacher, they neither 
reward or esteem him according to his merits, and are 
11* 



126 LOW SALARIES OF 

hardly ever willing to associate with him on terms of fair 
reciprocity and friendship. The same feeling exists, in 
a still higher degree, in many parts of Europe, especially 
in England ; but then there is no reason why it should 
continue in America, in a country in which no disgrace 
ought to attach to any honest pursuit ; but in which, on 
the contrary, men should be honored, in proportion as 
they contribute to the moral and intellectual advancement 
of the State. 

The correctness of this doctrine, however, is so well 
understood in the United States, that the people are 
ashamed of their own sentiments, and leave no oppor- 
tunity unimproved to evince that respect for the vocation 
in private^ which they are most deficient of showing on all 
public occasions. Many a fashionable gentleman of the 
large cities would be glad of the company of the instruct- 
or of his children to a family dinner; but would be un- 
willing to introduce him to a party of friends, and would 
think himself disgraced, were he to be seen with him on 
'Change. 

The Americans have a nice sense of justice, and un- 
derstand their own interest too well, to be entirely neg- 
lectful of the attention due to instructers of youth ; but 
the more fashionable part of the community are too mod- 
est to exhibit their sentiments in public. Much, however, 
has lately been done for the improvement of the condition 
of teachers ; and it is to be hoped that the newly formed 
" American Institute of Instruction," which among its 
members numbers already some -of the most influential 
and wealthy men of the country, will at last succeed in 
raising the character of instructers, and thereby increase 
the sphere of their usefulness. 

The salaries of teachers in the public schools in most 
of the States are mere pittances, when compared with the 
remuneration of professional men, or clerks in the count- 
ing-rooms of respectable merchants. The compensation 
of private instructers is, in general, higher, but still of 
too sordid a character to enable them to live as gentlemen. 

This inadequate compensation of the most arduous la- 
bor, is not only unjust and ungenerous, but productive of 
the most serious consequences to the public. The pro- 
fession of teacher is embraced by a large number of men, 



AMERICAN INSTRUCTERS. 127 

who, though qualified for the office, resort to it only as a 
temporary means of subsistence, which they quit as soon 
as an opportunity of preferment offers itself in some other 
quarter. The immediate consequence is an almost an- 
nual change of instructers, and the succession in office 
of novices unqualified by age or experience. No proper 
system of school-discipline can, in this manner be intro- 
duced by the teacher ; because in children the liahit of 
obedience does more than the law, and it is the principle 
of authority to grow stronger by usage. The branches of 
education themselves must be taught in a loose and dis- 
connected manner; because every teacher has necessarily 
a method of his own, which can only be improved and 
modified by a more intimate acquaintance with his pupils. 
No great application on the part of the teachers or pupils 
can be expected under such circumstances. Neither can 
there exist between ihem that mutual relation of friend- 
ship and respect, which is the most powerful stimulus to 
exertion, and inspires a taste for the cultivation of the 
sciences, on the principle of emulation, more lasting than 
that which results from a momentary enthusiasm in their 
pursuit. 

But the greatest evil arising from the too frequent 
changes of instructers in the United States is the una- 
voidable contempt to which it exposes the veterans in the 
profession. — Many of the most eminent lawyers, min- 
isters, and physicians of New England have, during a 
certain period of their lives, been obliged to resort to 
teaching, either to finish their collegiate education, or to 
obtain the necessary means for the study of their respec- 
tive professions. They have thus been in a habit of con- 
sidering the employment of an instructor as a sort of re- 
lief from the most pressing necessities ; but not as an end 
to be proposed by a man who aspires at honorable dis- 
tinction. This creed, once established in the minds of 
professional men, has communicated itself to all ranks of 
society ; so that, instead of the thanks of his fellow-citi- 
zens, an ancient instructer is only sure of being consid- 
ered as a man of inferior talents; else he would have fol- 
lowed his colleagues in their professional career. As 
long as this opinion of instructers is entertained in the 
United States, the schoolmaster's task will be degraded. 



128 

Those whom necessity shall reduce to it, will look upon 
it as defiimiiig their fair reputation, and embrace the first 
opportunity to leave it with disgust and detestation. 

But with what zeal can a man devote himself to a pro- 
fession, at once laborious and difficult, in which the great- 
est success is incapable of procuring distinction ? — 
which exposes him to unmerited contempt and reproach ? 
And why should a pettifogging lawyer or a quack, con- 
sider himself better than an honest and successful in- 
structer? 

" Honor and shame from no condition rise ; 
Act well your part — there all the honor lies." 

With regard to the plan of instruction, considerable 
improvements have been made within the last ten years. 
The mechanical Lancastrian system has every where 
been improved or superseded by the inductive method of 
Pestalozzi ; which, as it is calculated to draw out the 
thinking faculties, is naturally better adapted for the in- 
struction of republicans. 

The branches of learning, which are best taught in 
American schools, and in which the pupils seem to be 
better informed than those of any school I have seen in 
Europe, are arithmetic, geography, geometry, grammar, 
and reading: those in which they are most deficient, are 
history and foreign languages. The taste for mathe- 
matics is so prevalent in the United States, that even the 
young misses study geometry and algebra, and this prin- 
cipally on account of their usefulness in strengthening and 
invigorating the intellect. Mechanics and astronomy, 
together with the elements of natural philosophy and 
chemistry, are taught in all female seminaries throughout 
the country; and there are some in which even plane and 
spherical trigonometry are introduced as regular branch- 
es of instruction. 

Tliere are many schools for young ladies entirely con- 
ducted by gentlemen ; and the undertaking has proved so 
profitable to the instructers, that many of the most dis- 
tinguished professors of colleges have resigned their chairs, 
to assist in the education of women. By a singular ca- 
price of the American coteries, the principals of these 



IMPROVEMENTS IN EDUCATION. 129 

schools are exempted from the odium which is generally 
attached to the profession : they are the only instructers 
in the United States who enjoy a fair share of the repu- 
tation and esteem, to which they are justly entitled by 
their talents and labors. 

The improvements which have lately been made in the 
system of education in Germany have not passed unno- 
ticed by the vigilance of Americans ; and a society is al- 
ready formed at Albany, in the state of New York, charg 
ing itself with the translation of the Prussian school-books. 
— The object of the society is to improve the system of 
instruction in the state of New York, and to adopt, instead 
of the disconnected treatises now in use in the different 
schools, the uniform system of the Prussian text-books. 
This liberality of the Americans, with regard to the sys- 
tem of education in general, must, ere long, extend itself 
also to the instructers. It will raise the standard of their 
profession, and remunerate their services in a manner 
which shall induce them to follow their task from choice, 
and not from necessity. The high respect which is paid 
to all persons engaged in the business of instruction in 
Germany is, perhaps, the principal reason why it is so 
cheerfully embraced by gentlemen of literature and sci- 
ence, and has done more for the improvement of common 
schools, than all the laws enacted for that purpose. 

To show in what low estimation teachers are held in 
the United States, notwithstanding the general call for 
public instruction, and the importance attached to it by 
private individuals and legislative assemblies, I here insert 
an extract from the "Annual Report of the Superintend- 
ent of Common Schools of the State of New York," 
made January, 1835. 

" The incompetency of teachers" says the report " is 
the great evil of the common school system of this State, 
and it may, indeed, be said to be the source of the only 
other material defect which pertains to it, — a low stand- 
ard of education in most of the schools. The evil, how- 
ever, is by no means universal. There are many teachers 
of ample qualifications, and many schools of high stand- 
ing, both as regards the nature and extent of their ac- 
quirements. The principal obstacle to improvement is 
the low wages of teachers ; and, as this is left altogether 



130 INCOMPETENCY OF INSTRUCTERS. 

to be regulated by contract, between them and their em- 
ployers, there would seem to be no effectual remedy for 
the evil, but to inspire the latter with more just concep- 
tions of the nature of the vocation, and its high responsi- 
bilities ; and of the necessity of awarding to those who 
pursue it, a compensation in some degree suited to its 
arduous duties and requirements. So long as the com- 
pensation of teachers is on a level with that which is com- 
manded by the most ordinary employments, it is not to be 
expected that men of the necessary talents will prepare 
themselves for the business of teaching ; but it may justly 
be said that there is scarcely any vocation, in which the 
best talents can be employed to greater advantage. The 
practice of paying " lotv wages " has, as might be ex- 
pected, introduced into the common schools, teachers 
wholly incomj:)etent to execute their trusts, who have 
brought in bad methods of teaching, and kept down the 
standard of requirement for their pupils on a level with 
that by which their employers have measured their quali- 
fications. 

* " Although the compensation of teachers is still extreme- 
ly low, it is gratifying to reflect that it is increasing. In 
the districts heard from the number of schools kept during 
the year 1833, an average period of eight months was 
^9,393. The amount annually paid for teachers' tvages 
in the same district was about 665,000 dollars. This 
sum, divided by the schools, would give each teacher 8 
dollars 85 cents a month.* But it is supposed that fe- 
male teachers are employed about half the time at a com- 
pensation of about 5 dollars (a guinea) a month. t In 
this case, the average compensation of male teachers 

* Equal to II. 16s. nearly, or about 9s. a week ; in a country, where 
the commonest day-laborer may earn from 50 cents to 1 dollar or 25. 
Sd. to 4s. 6d. each day. The wages in the cities average still more ; 
and there is no servant or housemaid to be obtained at less than from 
10 to 15s. per week, besides board. 

t This is another sordid practice introduced throughout the United 
States. Female teachers are employed for no other apparent end than 
because they are less expensive than regular instruclers. Women in 
general (unless mothers) are not the most appropriate teachers of boys, 
even in a nursery ; much less are they capable of superintending the 
more advanced education of male children. The system of instruction 
iu every branch of learning requires considerable modification accord* 



ARISING FROM LOW COMPENSATION. 131 

would be 12 dollars and 70 cents (21. 10s. 5(7.) nearly. 
By a similar estimate for the year 1831, contained in the 
report of the superintendent made in 1833, it appears that 
the average rate of wages was but 11 dollars 85 cents 
{21. 85. 5f/.) A similar estimate for 1832 would give 12 
dollars 22 cents (2/. 9s. 6d.) Thus it appears that the 
rate of icages is regularly advancing, although still alto- 
gether inadequate to the services rendered." 

This report, which was evidently drawn up by a gen- 
tleman engaged in improving the system of instruction of 
common schools, appears, nevertheless, from the unhappy 
choice of terms, replete if not with contempt, at least with 
little consideration for the vocation of teachers. A regret 
is expressed that instructers are not better paid ; because 
" low wages " are not apt to act as a premium on the skill 
and application oi worhnen ; but the idea does not seem to 
be for one moment lost sight of, that teachers are hire- 
lings, whose labors are always to be commanded with 
money, as the services of journeymen mechanics. I am 
not inclined to believe that the character of teachers in the 
State of New York will improve as long as they receive 
" wages ; " and am fully convinced that half the number 
of teachers employed in that State, if they were qualified 
for the business, would be more serviceable to the public 
than two or three times their actual number, with their 
present inferior acquirements, joined to the disadvantages 
of their position. 

Owing to the system of education generally introduced 
in the schools of the United States, text-books written in 
the catechising form (with questions and answers) are 
preferred to more compact treatises. In some branches 
of education tiiis method of instruction maybe advan- 
tageous ; but in others it must prove a serious evil. Me- 
chanical methods ought to be carefully avoided as beget- 
ting indolence in both teacher and pupil, and taxing the 

ing as it is to be applied to the pupils of one or the other sex :* and on 
this account I think female instructors as little qualified for the instruc- 
tion of hoys, as male teachers to superintend the education of young 
ladies. The teacher ought to represent the parent, which to a boy 
must be the father, and to a girl the mother of the child, t 

*Schwari, Erziehungslehre. Leipsig, 1829. 
■^J\riemeyer. Grundsalze tier Erziehung. Halle, 1825. 



132 SYSTEM OP INSTRUCTION. 

memory without exercising the nobler faculties of the 
mind. I do not think, however, that the Americans are, 
in this respect, more deserving of censure than the gen- 
erality of the English ; and they are certainly superior 
to the lamentable deficiency of French elementary in- 
structers. But their system of instruction could not, as 
yet, be compared to that of Germany, either in method 
or discipline ; although a vast number of improvements 
have already been adopted, and legislative assemblies and 
private individuals are constantly aiding the progress of 
elementary education. 

There are two branches of instruction, however, which 
I consider to be better taught in America than even in 
Germany. I would refer to reading and speaking. The 
Americans, in general, take more care to teach a correct 
pronunciation to their children, than the English; and 
the Germans are almost wholly unmindful as to the cor- 
rectness of utterance, or elegance of language. They 
are so much attached to the substance of thoughts, that 
they heed little in what form the latter are expressed, and 
are satisfied with teaching their pupils to understand what 
they are reading, or to comprehend with the eye what 
they are unable to express with clearness and precision. 
A German boy knows often more than he can express in 
his abstract and unmanageable language : an American 
says at least as much as he knows, and is seldom embar- 
rassed except with the difficulty of the subject. ' 

This readiness of the Americans to express with 
promptness and precision what they have once been able 
to understand, is as much owing to their system of edu- 
cation, as to the practical genius of the nation, and of 
immense advantage in the common business of life. An 
American is not as "manysided" as a German ; but what- 
ever he has learned he has at his fingers' ends, and he 
is always ready to apply it. A little, in this manner, will 
go a great way, and the amount of intellect and apphca- 
tion which is thus penetrating every corner of the United 
States is prodigious, when compared to the seemingly 
slender means by which it is produced. Propose a ques- 
tion to a German, and he will ransack heaven and earth 
for an answer. He will descend to the remotest antiquity 
to seek for precedents ; and, after having compared the 



SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 133 

histories of all nations, and the best commentaries oh 
them in half a dozen languages, he will be so perplexed 
with the contradictory statements of authors, that his con- 
scientiousness will hardly allow him to venture an opin- 
ion of his own. He will give you a most erudite resume 
of the subject ; acquaint you with all that has been said 
on it in Sanscrit and Arabic, and, after having made 
some remarks on the respective credibility of these writ- 
ers, leave the conclusion to your own ingenuity. An 
American, with hardly one tenth of the learning, would 
have submitted the subject to common sense, and, ten 
chances to one, would have given you a satisfactory an- 
swer. The Germans are the best people in the world for 
collecting materials, but the Americans understand best 
how to use them. 1 know no better combination of char- 
acter than that of German and American ; and there is 
probably no better system of instruction than a medium 
between the theoretical rigor of the former, and the prac- 
tical applications of the Americans. 

The German system favors the development of the 
mind to the exclusion of almost all practical purposes ; 
the American aims always at some application, and cre- 
ates dexterity and readiness for action. One is all con- 
templation, the other all activity — the former is adapted 
to the abstract pursuits of philosophy, the latter to the 
practical purposes of life. 

Each of these systems has its own advantages and dis- 
advantages, and corresponds well to the genius of the re- 
spective nations among whom it is established. There is 
probably no better place than a school-room to judge of 
the character of a people, or to find an explanation of 
their national peculiarities. Whatever faults or weak- 
nesses may be entailed upon them, will show themselves 
there without the hypocrisy of advanced age ; and what- 
.ever virtue they may possess is reflected without admix- 
ture of vice and corruption. In so humble a place as a 
school-room may be read the commentaries on the past, 
and the history of the future development of a nation. 

Who, upon entering an American school-room, and 
witnessing the continual exercises in reading and speak- 
ing, or listening to the subject of their discourses, and 
watching the behavior of the pupils towards each other 
12 



134 AMERICAN SCHOOLS. 

and their teacher, could, for a moment, douht liis beinc^ 
amongst a congregation of young rej3ul)Iic;ins ? And 
who, on entering a German academy, would not be struck 
with the principle of authority and silence, whicli reflects 
the history of Germany for the last half dozen centuries? 
What difficulty has not an American teacher to maintain 
order amongst a dozen unruly little urchins; while a 
German rules over two hundred pupils in a class with all 
the ease and tranquillity of an Eastern monarch ? 

In an American school every thing is done from con- 
viction; in a German, obedience is from habit and prece- 
dent. How active is not the strife for consideration and 
power amongst a class of young Americans; how per- 
fectly contemplative the same collection of Germans, in- 
tent only upon their studies and the gratification of indi- 
vidual tastes. 

The majority of the pupils of an American school will 
imj)rint their character on the institution ; the personal 
disposition of the teacher in Germany can always be read 
in the behavior of his pupils. There is as little disposi- 
tion on the part of American children to obey the uncon- 
trolled will of their masters, as on the part of their fa- 
thers to submit to the mandates of kings ; and it would 
only be necessary to conduct some doubting European 
politician to an American school-room, to convince him 
at once tliat there is no immediate prospect of transfer- 
ring royalty to the shores of the New World. 

It has been observed, that with Americans mathematics 
come by instinct. This is true tvitli regard to the applica- 
tions of the science, which in America are as well, or bet- 
ter understood, than in any part of Europe; but there is 
no taste visible for the mere abstract knowledge of it, as 
is the case in France and Germany. 

The Americans are born analyzers, and are better able 
to understand a principle from its application, than to 
seize a truth in the abstract, nor would they think such a 
truth an acquisition, unless they saw its practical bear- 
ings. I have known several excellent mathematicians in 
Boston and Philadelphia, but their talents were all of the 
order 1 have described ; and I suspect, therefore, that they 
are not very eminent teachers. The method of instruc- 
tion must necessarily be synthetic, and implies a process 



PARTICULAR GENIUS OF THE AMERICANS. 135 

of reasoning, which, as far as my experience goes, is least 
acceptable to American palates. In politics analysis is 
the only means of arriving at fair conclusions; but in the 
exact sciences it is less direct and secure, although it is 
the method of invention and the most fertile in applica- 
tions. On the whole, I do not think that the Americans 
have a greater share of mathematical talent than Euro- 
peans; but they certainly apply it to greater advantage, 
and evince an acquaintance with the science in all their 
civil and political transactions. Mathematics with them 
are an active principle ; not an abstract science, as in Eu- 
rope. 

For history, the Americans seem to have the least fond- 
ness ; but they are great admirers of statistics, and have 
an astonishing memory of numbers. An American con- 
siders the history of his country as the beginning of a 
new era ; and cares, therefore, less for the past, than he 
does for the present and the future. Statistics is never- 
theless a still-standing history,* and the key or index to 
the future fate of a nation. This truth is as well under- 
stood in America as in any other country ; and accord- 
ingly, the rage for statistical tables, as a means of obtain- 
ing knowledge in a quick and easy manner, exists in the 
United States to a still greater degree than in England 
or France. I have known few persons in Europe, as 
well acquainted with the imports and exports, revenue 
and expenditure, amount of national debt, standing ar- 
mies and navies, Slc. of their own and foreign countries, 
as the great mass of Americans. 

Geography is well taught from excellent text-books, 
some of which have been translated into several European 
languages. The proficiency of the pupils in this branch 
is highly creditable to the instructers, and surpasses in 
minuteness and correctness that of most scholars of the 
same age in Europe. 

But the most surprising fact, in the whole course of 
American education, is the total absence of religious in- 
struction^ in most of the elementary schools. This is 
entirely left to the care of the parents, and confined, prin- 
cipally, to the reading of the Bible and the hearing of 

* SchUzer. Lehrbuch der Statistik. Gottingen. 



136 PRECOCITY OF CHILDREN. 

sermons and lectures on the Sabbath. I confess myself 
unable to judge of the expediency of this course, which 
is perhaps rendered necessary by the great number of re- 
ligious sects who send children to one and the same 
school ; but whatever its disadvantages may be, I am quite 
certain there is as much theoretical and practical religion 
in the United States as in any other country. 

Before I conclude these observations on elementary in- 
struction in America, I would mention a subject, which, 
as yet, seems to have escaped the attention of most trav- 
ellers, though it is sufficiently interesting in itself, and ex- 
planatory of a great many peculiarities in the lives of 
Americans. I would allude to the precocity of children, 
which results from the plan of education pursued in 
schools and at home, and perhaps, also, from the peculiar 
climate of the country. 

An American boy of ten or twelve years of age is as 
much of a young man as an European at sixteen ; and 
when arrived at that age, he is as useful in business, and 
as much to be relied upon, as a German at twenty-four, 
or a Frenchman at fifty. Something similar to it may also 
be found in England ; but neither climate nor education 
promote it to the same extent as in America. From the 
earliest period of his life, a young American is accustom- 
ed to rely upon himself as the principal artificer of his 
fortune. Whatever he learns or studies is with a view to 
future application; and the moment he leaves school he 
immerses into active life. His reputation, from the time 
he is able to think, is the object of his most anxious care ; 
as it must affect his future standing in society, and in- 
crease the sphere of his usefulness. 

As a school-boy, he has his opinions on politics and re- 
ligion, which he defends with as much ardor as if he 
were a senator of the republic, or a minister of the gos- 
pel. By the time he is able to read and write, he is al- 
ready forming the plan of his future independence ; and 
I have heard boys from ten to twelve years of age enlarge 
on the comforts and advantages of married life, with as 
grave an aspect, as if they had been reciting a mathemat- 
ical lesson, or discussing the merits of an essay on poli- 
tics. They were calculating the prospects of domestic 
happiness, as a merchant would the profits of a mercan- 



PERIOD OF EDUCATION. 137 

tile speculation, or a banker his commission on a bill of 
exchange. 

American children study the foibles of their parents 
and teachers, which they are sure to turn to their own 
advantage, and at the age of twenty-one are better judges 
of characters, and human nature in general, than many 
an European at the age of fifty. In girls this precocity 
is blended with bashfulness and modesty ; but the most 
characteristic feature of American children, whether male 
or female, is, nevertheless, an early development of the 
understanding, and a certain untimely intelligence seldom 
to be found in Europe. 

The Americans have a much shorter period assigned to 
them, for the completion of their studies than Europeans; 
but the quantity of knowledge acquired in that time is 
really prodigious, and it is a wonder if the memory can 
retain one fourth part of it in after life. A child from 
four to five years of age is already obliged to be six hours 
a day at school, and to study perhaps two or three more 
at home ; and as it advances in age, the number and va- 
riety of these studies increase in a duplicate ratio. At 
the age of twelve, a boy will study Latin, Greek, French, 
Italian, Spanish, algebra, geometry, mechanics, moral 
philosophy, mineralogy, natural philosophy, chemistry, 
and Heaven knows what ! and manages at least to recite 
his lessons to the satisfaction of his teachers. I have nev- 
er seen an attempt at any thing similar in Europe, and am 
satisfied of the utter impossibility of its success, were it 
to be hazarded in England or Germany. 

If the time devoted to an American college-course were 
anyways in proportion to the intensity of application on 
the part of the pupils, the American seminaries would be 
the first in the world, and its professors and students the 
most remarkable for application and learning. But, un- 
fortunately, the period of a collegiate education is limited 
to four years, which is about one half of what ought to 
be allowed for the completion of the course prescribed 
for an American college. Not much more than the rudi- 
ments of science can be acquired in so short a period ; 
and the American scholar, therefore, must chiefly depend 
on the resources of his own mind, and the assistance of 
libraries, to become eminent in any department of knowl- 
13*^ 



138 AMERICAN COLLEGES. 

ledge, or to compete with men of learning in Europe. A 
number of American students are, for this purpose, an- 
nually visiting the Universities of Europe, especially those 
of Germany, and many distinguished scholars in the 
United States are as intimately acquainted with the liter- 
ature of that country, as with the literary institutions of 
their own. 

But if the Americans do not as yet possess the higher 
institutions of learning, which are the ornament of the 
most civilized states of Europe, the elements of a classical 
and mathematical education are, at least, disseminated 
throughout their whole country, and the means of laying 
the foundation of scholarship in every State of the Union. 
Tliey had, in 1835, not less than seventy-nine colleges, 
thirty-one theological seminaries, twenty-three medical, 
and nine law schools. 

There were also five Roman Catholic seminaries, viz. 
at Baltimore and near Emmitsburg, in Maryland ; at 
Charleston, South Carolina ; near Boardstown, and in 
Washington county, Kentucky, and in Perry county, 
Missouri. 

In these colleges there were, in 1835, 639 instructers 
employed in teaching Latin, Greek, mathematics, philoso- 
phy, astronomy, and other elementary branches of learn- 
ing to 7810 students ; and besides, 220 professors in the 
higher departments of science for an average number 
of 5000 pupils. The number of alumni and students 
amounted to more than 33,000, and the number of vol- 
umes in the libraries, to 456,420 ; of which 277,770 be- 
longed to the colleges, 113,220 to the students' libraries, 
and 05,430 to the theological seminaries. But since 1835, 
five new colleges have been established, viz., Haddington 
college in Pennsylvania, Shurtleffand McRendrean col- 
leges in the state of Illinois, Columbia college in Missouri, 
and Bufi*alo college, on a munificent scale in the slate of 
New York. It is to be observed, moreover, that out of 
the whole number of colleges, more than one half have 
sprung up since 1820, and nearly one third since 1830. 
Most of them were established in the western states, 
where civilization has scarcely penetrated within a dozen 
years ; and the theological seminaries date nearly all 
from the period of 1820. We shall see, hereafter, how 



RAPID INCREASE OF COLLEGES. 189 

the remarks of some English writers agree with these 
facts. 

When we speak of the merits of American institutions 
of learning, we ought not to forget that the United States 
are still settlings and not settled; and that, consequently, 
all the Americans have done thus far, for the promotion 
of learning, is rather t© be considered as indicative of 
their taste and the high value they set on intellect, than 
as a fair specimen of what they will be able to accomplish 
in the course of time. 

The attention of the public must be earnestly directed 
towards improvements in education, in order to establish, 
within the space of ten years, eight new colleges in a 
state, which has only been settled within the last forty 
years, as is, for instance, the case with the colleges of 
Oxford, New Athens, Hudson Gambler, Granville, Mari- 
etta, New Elyria, and Chagrin, in the state of Ohio. In 
the state of Kentucky, vVhich, in 1790 contained but 
73,677 inhabitants, of whom about one third were slaves, 
there are now six colleges, with nearly forty instructers. 
The state of Alabama, which in 1810 had but a popula- 
tion of 10,000 people, including slaves, had ten year^ 
later already a seminary of public instruction with six 
professors in the various departments of science. The 
state of Mississippi did not exist three years (it was only 
admitted into the Union in the year 1817,) whhout insti- 
tuting a seminary of learning with ten professors ; though 
its whole population, at that time, did not exceed 75,000, 
of whom about 33,000 were slaves. The college of St. 
Louis was incorporated in 1829, nine years after the ter- 
ritory of Missouri had been admitted into the Union as an 
independent state, though it contained at that time little 
more than 100,000 inhabitants, of whom nearly 25,000 
were slaves ; and a new college has been established 
since 1835, in that state. The college of Bloomington, 
Indiana, was established in 1827, though the whole state 
did not yet contain a single large town, (New Albany, the 
largest of them, containing in 1831 but 2500 inhabitants,) 
and the college of Jacksonville, in the state of Illinois, in 
1830 ; the whole county of that name containing then 
little more than 1500 inhabitants. Judge Hall, in his 
oration, delivered at Vandalia (!) on the 4th of July, 1830,. 



140 ACADEMICAL COURSE. 

expressed his sentiments in reference to this college in 
the following manner : — * 

"All who have explored this state, (Illinois,) agree in 
awarding to it the capacity to sustain a larger amount of 
population, than any other equal expanse of territory in 
the United States. But it is the moral more than the physic- 
al character, lohich raises a state to a proud elevation among 
her sister republics. Illinois is destined to have wealth and 
strength ; and it is important that she should also have 
intelligence, virtue, and refinement, to enable her to direct 
her mighty energies to the noblest ends. Industry and 
arts will soon make their abodes among us. Millions of 
freemen will draw their subsistence from our prolific soil. 
Let us train up our young republicans to virtue. Let us 
educate the children, ivho, in a few yearSj must stand in our 
places. Let us lead back their minds to the example of 
the pilgrims, who forsook their country and their homes, 
rather than violate conscience or offend their God." 

Where such sentiments prevail the best hopes must be 
entertained of the future. The literary institutions of 
America may be as young as the states in which they are 
formed ; but they are, at least in proportion to their pop- 
ulation^ more numerous than in any part of Europe, Ger- 
many not excepted, and afford ample means of initiating 
beginners into the elements of science, at an expense of 
little more than one third of what is required, for similar 
purposes in England. 

The academical course, as I remarked before, is com- 
pleted in four years, at the end of which the degree of 
Bachelor of Arts is conferred without any of those rigid 
examinations which are customary in the universities of 
Germany. No dissertation is required, on a particular 
subject, and the candidates for academical honors are 
not obliged to become authors before they are pronounced 
to be scholars.! The merits of the students are comput- 
ed from their daily recitations in the various departments 
of instruction ; and the system is, at least, daily produc- 
tive of application, which, in the more scientific institutions 

* I quote it here, because it is strongly expressive of the feelings of 
the people in general, 
t This is the practice in Germany. 



AMERICAN COLLEGE LIBRARIES. 141 

of Germany, is constantly deferred to the end of the 
"semester." An American student does not learn as 
much, at any one time, as a German, and his knowled<re, 
therefore, is less connected and arranged ; but he ac- 
quires a great deal, little by little, and can, in this way, 
more easily follow his professors. The hardships of an 
American student are certainly less than those of a Ger- 
man ; but then he enters the university at a much earlier 
period, and quits it at a time when Europeans are yet 
at school.* 

The degree of Master of Arts is conferred three years 
after that of Bachelor is obtained; but is less desired in 
America, and consequently more seldom granted, than in 
England. 

The academic morals I should pronounce to be a shade 
higher than those of English or German students, and the 
practice of duelling is, I believe, entirely unknown. But 
the German universities were at all times considered as 
a national institution ; which can hardly be said of the 
American colleges, established by the munificence of in- 
dividuals, and maintained, frequently, for the promotion 
of the interests of a particular denomination of Christians. 

The libraries of the American colleges cannot cer- 
tainly, be compared to those of Oxford, or Gottingen, or 
Munich, and perhaps not even to those of much inferior 
institutions of learning in Europe. But in the natural 
and exact sciences a small number of works, principally 
modern, suffices to acquire proficiency ; and these, as far 
as I am acquainted, are found in all the larger colleges of 
the United States. Nine tenths of all the works to be 
found in European libraries are only referred to, as bear-^ 
ing on the history and literature of the sciences, and are 
hardly ever read by the younger students, who are too 
busily engaged with the new discoveries to devote any 
considerable portion of their time to the philosophical 
contemplation of their origin and progress. 

For philological studies, the Americans have, until now, 
shown but little fondness, and the libraries of their col- 
leges are, therefore, very deficient in this branch of 
knowledge. But then, where so much is constantly doing 

* Compare the preceding remarks on American precocity. 



142 MR. Hamilton's remarks 

for the education of youth, in other departments, it woul^ 
be unjust to expend large sums in the purchase of books, 
on a subject which would only gratify a few individuals ; 
who ought sooner to visit Europe to gratify their thirst 
for a brancli of knowledge the least useful in the life of a 
young republic, than tax their fellow-citizens at home 
with expenditure for which they could never make an ad- 
equate return. 

But the greatest deficiency exists in the historical de- 
partment, which scarcely furnishes matter for the history 
of America, and is lamentably defective in that of Europe. 
Of the whole range of studies pursued in American col- 
leges, that of history is most neglected. The taste for it 
remains to be created ; and, as far as I can judge, no 
symptoms of it are, as yet, perceptible in the social insti- 
tutions of the United States. 

The theological libraries have also been complained of 
as being extremely deficient ; but most of the predomi- 
nant religious sects in America draw their arguments di- 
rectly from the Bible, and not from any human authority 
whatever, and have, therefore, less recourse to written 
documents. The Americans believe — and this not with- 
out their usual good sense — that an acquaintance with 
the temptations and trials of this world, and the motives 
of human actions, is as indispensable a qualification in a 
minister of the gospel, as the most critical knowledge of 
canonical laws, and require their religious instructers to 
be rather practical men, than skilled in the theological 
sciences. 

Mr. Hamilton, in speaking of the education of the 
American clergy, after having made a number of valuable 
remarks on "timber and tobacco growlers," concludes 
with the following bitter reflections : — 

"Even to the present day, the value of education in the 
United States is estimated not by its result on the mind 
of the student, in strengthening his faculties, purifying his 
taste, and enlarging and elevating the sphere of thought 
and consciousness ; hut by the amount of available knowl- 
edge which it enables him to bring to the common business 
of life. 

" The consequences of this error, when participated in 
by a whole nation, have been most. pernicious. It has 



ON THE AMERICAN CLERGY. 143 

unquestionably contributed to perpetuate the very igno- 
rance in winch it originated. It has done its part, in con- 
nection with other causes, in depriving the United States 
of the most enduring source of national greatness. IVor 
can we hope that the evil will be removed * until the vul- 
gar and unworthy sophistry which has imposed on tlie 
judgment, even of the most intelUgent Americans,! shall 
cease to influence some wiser and unborn generation. 

"The education of the clergy differed in little from that 
of laymen. Of theological learning there was none, nor 
did there exist the means of acquiring it. It is probable 
that within the limits of the United States, there was not 
to be found a single copy of the works of the Fathers. 
But this mattered not. Protestantism is never very 
amenable to authority, and least of all when combined with 
democracy . Neither the pastors nor their flocks were 
inclined to attach much value to primitive authority, (?) 
and from the solid rock of the Scriptures, each man was 
jdeased to hew out his own religion, in such form and 
proportions as were suited to the measure of his taste and 
knowledge. It was considered enough that the clergy 
could read the Bible in their vernacular tongue, and ex- 
pound its doctrines to the satisfaction of a congregation 
not more learned than themselves. 

" To the present day, in one only of the colleges has 
any provision been made for clerical education. | Many 
of the religious sects, however, have established theologic- 
al academies, in which candidates for the ministry may, 
doubtless, acquire such accomplishment as is deemed 
necessary for the satisfactory discharge of their high 
functions." 

Now, in the first place, the habit of studying a profes- 
sion, principally on account of its practical applications, 
exist in all countries; though there are gentlemen in the 

* I leave to the reader to contrast this declamation with the facts I 
have hitherto stated. 

t Compare Jud^e Hall's Speech, alluded to, page 140. 

tThis remark is quite incorrect. Theological schools are attached 
to the imiversitiesofYale and Harvard; as, also, to Princetown, New 
Brunswick, Kenyon, Western Reserve, Granville, and Lexington col- 
leges. But the learned author seems to have been too much influenced 
by his holj' zeal for religion, to inquire fully into the stale of religious 
instruction in America. 



144 



QUALIFICATIONS OP MINISTERS. 



United States, as well as in England, cultivating science 
con amore, such as the learned author of " Men and Man- 
ners," without ever thinking of applying their wisdom in 
practice. Necessity, however, has always been "the best 
teacher, as well as the mother of invention." I believe 
the instances are rare, in which persons are willing to 
devote themselves to the study of theology, without the 
hope of future promotion ; and the eagerness with which 
church livings are coveted in England, shows, at least, 
the unwillingness of the clergy to embrace the profession 
merely for the sake of "enlarging and elevating their 
sphere of thought and consciousness." Theology, juris- 
prudence and medicine are, in Germany, known by the 
name of " bread-studies " (Brot-studien,) because they 
are principally pursued for a temporal establishment; and 
the number of those who apply themselves to them to be- 
come practical lawyers, physicians, or ministers, is, for 
the benefit of mankind, in all parts of the world, greater 
than that of those priests of knowledge whose sole object 
it is "to purify their taste," and to "enlarge and elevate 
the sphere of thought and consciousness." 

The Americans consider their ministers as public ser- 
vants, paid by their respective congregations in propor- 
tion to the degree of their usefulness. It is a principle 
with them to establish no sinecures, either in religion or 
politics ; and their clergy, therefore, have less fortune 
and leisure to employ in their personal improvement as 
gentlemen, though tbey have ample time for the cultivation 
of that more substantial knowledge in a minister, which 
teaches him to imitate the example of his great Master ; 
and, by winning the hearts of his congregation, and in- 
fluencing their morals by his own irreproachable life, to 
become truly the pastor of his flock, and the friend and 
counsellor of every family in his parish. Such were the 
ministers of the pilgrims, and such, it is to be hoped, will 
be the ministers of the gospel in the United States yet for 
many a generation. And the people, with a simplicity 
which does credit to both their hearts and their under- 
standings, value these qualifications in their clergymen 
higher than the strongest claims of the latter to the refined 
tastes of gentlemen. 

The standard works on British Law have always been 



AMERICAN LAWYERS. 145 

t-6published in America, (mostly in Boston and Philadel- 
phia,) and make part of every lawyer's library. To these 
must be added the numerous digests of American laws, 
the statutes of the different states, and the larger works 
of American jurisprudence. Several of these, among 
which are the works of Kent and Story, are sufficiently 
known to the profession in England to need no further 
notice in a work of this nature. An American lawyer 
has certainly greater difficulties to overcome to attain to 
eminence in his profession, than any other barrister in 
the world. JVot only is he to be learned in the English 
law, which forms the basis of American jurisprudence, 
but he must also be familiar with the different statutes of 
each state in the Union, together with those of the United 
States themselves. The prerogatives of the general gov- 
ernment, and those of the governor and legislature of each 
independent state, present often the nicest points of dis- 
tinction, and afford ample scope for the ingenuity and 
discrimination of American lawyers. The most fertile in 
argument and scientific distinctions are, I suppose, those 
of Philadelphia, their fame being established by the adage, 
"This will puzzle a Philadelphia lawyer;" which is ex- 
pressive of the same difficulty as the squaring of the circle 
in mathematics. 

The reason why law-schools are not so numerous in 
the United States as other institutions of learning, is, be- 
cause young men are in a habit of studying with some 
professional gentlemen of acknowledged talents and repu- 
tation — a custom which exists equally in England, and 
extends also to medical students in lieu of a dinicum for 
young practitioners. 

The first anatomical operation in the United States 
consisted in the dissection of the body of a felon, who was 
executed in 1750. Six years later Dr. Hunter, of New 
York, a graduate of the university of Edinburgh, com- 
menced a course of lectures on anatomy and surgery ; and 
in 1765 the first medical school was established under the 
superintendence of Doctors Shippen and Morgan, of 
Philadelphia. In 1767 another medical school was found- 
ed in New York ; but from that period till 1792 the pro- 
gress of medicine was interrupted by the war of the Ameri- 
can independence. A second medical institution was 
13 



146 



SCHOOLS OF PHARMACY. 



established in New York in 1792, which was afterwards 
united with the first, under the name of ** College of 
Medicine and Surgery." 

The medical school of Massachusetts was established 
as early as 1782; but its celebrity commenced only with 
the year 1810, when it was transferred to Boston, and 
became one of the most flourishing institutions in the 
Union. 

The fourth medical school in America is the work of 
Dr. Smith, of Dartmouth College, New Ha^npshire. It 
was founded in Hanover in 1797 ; and, since that time, 
similar institutions were established all over the United 
States. 

Schools of pharmacy exist in New York and Philadel- 
phia, and have, together with the "Journal of Phfir- 
macy," much contributed to the improvement of this most 
useful science. 

It may yet be remarked, that the Americans have made 
proper provisions for anatomy ; the bodies of felons and 
other persons buried at the States' expense, being, by law, 
due to the students of anatomy. The state of Massa- 
chusetts set the example, and many of the other states 
were prompt in its imitation. I mention this particularly, 
because no similar provision, I believe, promotes as yet 
the study of anatomy in England. 

If, then, instead of scrutinizing particular institutions 
of learning, we consider the general progress of education 
and science in the United States, and by what means that 
progress has been insured, we shall not accuse the Ameri- 
cans of indifference with regard to the higher attainments 
of the mind. The majority of their colleges and univer- 
sities, and especially their public libraries, when com- 
pared to those of Europe, are, perhaps, yet in a state of 
infancy; but they are daily enlarging, and their number 
increases even faster in proportion than the population of 
the Western States. 

The Americans are fully aware of what they have yet 
to accomplish before they can rival Europe in the arts 
and sciences ; but they have certainly made a noble be- 
ginning, and are constantly improving in every depart- 
ment of knowledge. If they do not iftiport a great num- 
ber of scientific works from Europe, — a fault with which 



PROGRESS OF INSTRUCTION. 147 

Mr. Hamilton severely reproaches them — they reprint 
the more, and have also published many excellent trans- 
lations from the French and German, among which it 
will be sufficient to allude to the works J of La Place, Cou- 
sin, Heeren, and the German Conversation Lexicon. 
This, in a country like America, in which more than one 
half of the entire population have not as yet any fixed 
habitations, affords assuredly a strong proof of the high 
value its inhabitants set upon literary and scientific ac- 
quirements ; while at the same time it is the best refuta- 
tion of the gratuitous charge, that the Americans are 
strangers to the pleasure arising from intellectual pur- 
suits , or too much absorbed by trade and traffic, to be- 
stow any considerable portion of their time on the cul- 
tivation of their mental faculties. 



CHAPTER. VII. 



GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON AMERICANS. DEFINITION OF 

AMERICAN PATRIOTISM. THE AMERICANS AS A MORAL 

AND RELIGIOUS PEOPLE. DIFFERENT RELIGIOUS DE- 
NOMINATIONS IN AMERICA. UNITARIANISM. THE RE- 
SPECT OF THE AMERICANS FOR THE LAW. OBSERVA- 
TIONS ON THE LYNCH-LAW. ITS ORIGIN. TEMPER- 
ANCE AND OTHER BENEVOLENT SOCIETIES. NATIONAL 

CHARITY. 



Though the Americans, in general, have fewer preju- 
dices than any nation in Europe, and possess, therefore, 
less of a national character ; though they have no com- 
munity of religious feeling ; yet there exists amongst them 
an uniformity of thought and sentiment, which is sufficient 
to mark them as a distinct people. These sentiments are 
principally political, or have reference to their habits of 
industry. 

The Americans present the singular spectacle of a 
people united together by no other ties than those of ex- 
cellent laws and equal justice, for the maintenance of 
which " their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred hon- 
ors " stand mutually pledged. The American common- 
wealth consists of a community of reason and good sense ; 
its empire, therefore, is the largest, and its basis the most 
unalterable on which the prosperity of a people was ever 
established. They revere the theory and foujadation of 
their government, to which they transfer most of their 
local attachments, their love of country, and those gen- 
erous sentiments, which the contemplation of the gigantic 
scenery which surrounds them is calculated to inspire. 



NATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE AMERICANS. 149 

There is, at present, no room for idylic poesy and ro- 
mance ; but the energetic develop.ment of the nation may 
soon furnish matter for an epopee 

An American does not love his country as a French- 
man loves France, or an Englishman England : America 
is to him but the physical means of establishing a moral 
power — the medium through which his mindoperates — 
" the local habitation " of his Apolitical doctrines. His 
country is in his understanding ; he carries it with him 
wherever he goes, whether he emigrates to the shores of 
the Pacific or the Gulf of Mexico ; his home is wherever 
he finds minds congenial with his own. 

Americans have been reproached with want of love for 
their native country ; but, with such an enlightened at- 
tachment to their moral and political institutions, it is 
difiicult to fix upon the limits of the empire which must 
eventually be theirs, or upon the boundary line whicli they 
shall not overleap in their progress. The patriotism of 
the Americans is not confined either to a love of their 
country, or to those who are of the same origin with them : 
it relates to the mind, and to the habits of thinking and 
reasoning. Whoever thinks as they do, is, morally speak- 
ing, a citizen of their community ; and whoever entertains 
opinions in opposition to their established theory of gov- 
ernment, must be considered a natural enemy to their 
country. '- 

The moral influence of this process of reasoning on the 
prospects and future power of the United States is incal- 
culable. It has made America the representative of a 
doctrine which is fast gaining ground throughout the 
civilized world; it has extended her physical and moral 
dominion, and created for her friends and allies in every 
nation and in every clime. It has made her cause the 
cause of humanity, and her success the triumph of reason 
over ignorance and prejudice. What people could now 
make war on America, without retarding the progress of 
their own freedom ? What arm would not drop palsied 
in aiming a blow at American liberty ? What mariner 
would wish to extinguish the beacon-Hght which directs 
the course of his navigation ? — It has made the Ameri- 
cans strong within themselves, and invulnerable from with- 
out. Their political doctrines have become the religion 
13* 



150 LOVE OF COUNTRY. 

and confession of the people of all countries : like the 
truths of Christianity, they have had their apostles and 
their martyrs, and like those truths they are destined to 
become the universal faith of mankind. 

Neither can the patriotism of the Americans be called 
a vague and indistinct feeling- ; on the contrary, it is clear 
and defined, and has a definite aim. It is not an in- 
stinctive attachment to scenes with which they are ac- 
quainted from childhood, or to men to whose familiar 
converse they are accustomed ; it consists in the love of 
principles, for which they are ready to make every sac- 
rifice, and which in the outset they preferred to their 
homes. 

The American pilgrims carried their country in their 
hearts, and their government in their minds. Their char- 
acter was formed before they touched the soil which was 
to nourish them, and has ever since remained superior to 
local circumstances. The Americans entered the wil- 
derness as masters, determined to subdue it; and not as 
children of nature, nursed and brought up in its bosom. 
They could not at first love what was not their own ; and 
when it became theirs, they had already changed its face. 

The succession of changes was so rapid, tliat scarcely 
one could leave a permanent impression on their minds. 
Tliey treated nature as a conquered subject; not as a 
mother who gave them birth. They were the children of 
another world, who came thither to burn, ransack and 
destroy, and not to preserve what ithey had found. They 
burned the forests, dug up the bowels of the earth, di- 
verted rivers from their course, or united them at their 
jjleasure ; and annihilated the distances which separated 
the North from the South, and the East from the West. 

All other nations liave gradually merged from barba- 
rism to civilization, and, in the successive stages of their 
development, been strongly influenced by the soil and the 
climate. But it is in proportion to the length of time na- 
ture retains her dominion over man, that he will cling to 
her as a child to its mother, or that local attachments to 
the soil and the country are formed. At the very settle- 
ment of America, (as I remarked in the last chapter,) the 
highest degree of civihzation, the product of another clime, 
was at war with a pristine world ; and to this moment no 



PATRIOTISM OF AMERICANS. 151 

permanent truce is established. Let the conflict be 
brought to an end, let man make his peace with nature — 
and she will once more become his companion, and make 
him love his native land, 

I have said that tiie patriotism of Americans is not a 
vague and indefinite feeling, but that it consisted in a 
strong attachment to principles. I say so still. The 
principles which they cherish are those of liberty, and 
they are sufficient to raise them to a proud eminence 
amongst the nations of the earth. They establish a 
moral empire more durable than human feelings, and less 
susceptible of changes. I will now add that the Ameri- 
cans love their country, not, indeed, as it is, but as it icill 
he. They do not love the land of their fathers ; but they 
are sincerely attached to that which their children are 
destined to inherit. They live in the future, and make 
their country as they go on. 

It often appeared to me as if the whole property of the 
United States was only held by the Americans in trust 
for their children, and that they were prepared to render 
a religious account of their stewardship. See with what 
willingness they labor to secure an independence to their 
children! — with what readiness they take apart in the 
national improvements of their country ! — with what cheer- 
fulness they quit an already fertilized soil, and emigrate 
to the " far west," to make more room for their oftspring ! 
— how ready they are to invest their fortunes in undertak- 
ings which can only benefit their progeny ! Are these 
no proofs of a genuine patriotism ? Is this not the most 
exalted love of country of which history furnishes us with 
a record 1 

A mere local attachment to the soil, however it may 
influence the domestic happiness of a people, is, of itself, 
hardly capable of imparting that national impulse which 
directs the feelings and actions of individuals to a com- 
mon centre, and makes them sacrifice their own private 
interests to the general good of the whole. It must be a 
spiritual essence, a community of the highest faculties of 
the mind, which shall make men look on one another as 
brethren, and unite them as members of one and the same 
family. It was the spirit of the Romans which created 
and preserved Rome ;. as it was the highest principles of 



152 LOVE OF LIBERTY OF THE AMERICANS. 

religion which united the Israelites into a nation, and led 
them out of the. land of hondage. It was the love of po- 
litical and religious liberty which led to the settlement of 
the British American colonies ; and the same feeling is 
yet sending thousands to the shores of the New World. 
It is the cement of the American confederacy, and the 
very essence of their commonwealth. 

I am aware it will be urged that it is not so much the 
liberal institutions of America as the immense resources 
of the country, the fertility of the soil, and the vast extent 
of commerce, which are the causes of the constant emi- 
grations to the United States. This, however, is but 
begging the question ; for, without those institutions, the 
resources of the country would not yet be developed, the 
soil would not yield its produce, and the commerce of the 
country would still linger under onerous laws. 

It is the love of freedom, the hope of being exempted 
from burthensome taxes, and the expectation of being 
able to call their own what they shall earn by their hon- 
est toils, which causes most Europeans, and especially 
the Germans, to emigrate to the United States, in prefer- 
ence to the equally fertile but ill-governed states of South 
America. The security and good faith of the American 
government act at least as much as an enticing cause as 
the hope of realizing a competence. 

The early settlements of the British North American 
colonies, their political progress, and the present pros- 
perous condition of the United States, may be alike traced 
to the love of liberty, which, from the commencement, 
distinguished the Americans ; and the history of the indi- 
vidual states sufficiently proves that their inhabitants set 
a higher value on political and religious freedom than on 
the physical advantages of the soil, and the means of ac- 
quiring riches. " For what is good land without good 
laws ? " — said the early colonists of West Jersey, in their 
remonstrance against the usurpations of the Duke of 
York — " the better the worse. And if we cordd not as- 
sure people of an easy, and free, and safe government, 
both with respect to their spiritual and worldly property, 
-—that is, an uninterrupted liberty of conscience, and an 
inviolable possession of their civil rights and freedoms, 
by a just and wise government, — a mere wilderness would 



OPPOSITION IN AMERICA, 153 

be no encouragement ; for it were madness to leave a 
free, a good, and improved country, to plant in a wilder- 
ness, and there adventure many thousands of pounds to 
give an absolute title to another person to tax us at will 
and pleasure ? " 

" We have not lost any part of our liberty," continued 
they, " by leaving our country ; for we leave not our 
king, nor our government, by quitting our soil ; but we 
transplant to a place given by the same king, with express 
limitation to erect no polity contrary to the same estab- 
lished government, but as near as may be to it; and this 
variation is allowed but for the sake of emergencies ; and 
that latitude bounded by these words, '■for the good of the 
adventurer and ijlanterj " * 

Property, in some of the South American republics, is 
acquired with as much, or even greater facility, than in 
the United States ; but there is no security for its preser- 
vation, while the latter offer, in this respect, greater 
guarantees than any other country, England and France 
not excepted. There are no conflicting elements which 
threaten an immediate change or overthrow of her estab- 
lished institutions. The opposition in America is power- 
less, and never refers to the princiijles of government, 
but only to particular measures. No class of society in 
the United States is opposed to republican institutions, as 
there is no political party whose permanent interests are 
opposed to the majority of tlie people. Neither is the 
policy of the United States likely to involve the country 
in a foreign war ; and if in a national broil the republic 
should become a belligerent party, her political and geo- 
graphical position is such, that she has little to fear from 
an enemy. 

The Americans have kept good faith with all nations ; 
and, by the most unexampled economy, discharged their 
national debt. Their credit is unrivalled, their honor 
unquestioned, and the most implicit confidence placed 
in their ability to fulfil their engagements. They have, 
thus far, received strangers with hospitality, and put no 
obstacles in the way of their progress. They have not 
monopolized a single branch of industry; but let foreign-^ 

* Samuel SmiWs History of New Jersey, 



154 ADVANTAGES OF AMERICA 

ers and native citizens compete fairly for an equal chance 
of success. They have established liberty of conscience, 
and compelled no person to pay taxes for the support of 
ministers of a different persuasion from his own. They 
have abolished all hereditary privileges ; but let all men 
start free and equal, with no other claims to preferment 
than that which is founded on superiority of intellect. In 
short, they have made their country the market for talent, 
ingenuity, industry, and every honest kind of exertion. 
It has become the home of all who are willing to rise by 
their own eftbrts, and contains within itself nearly half the 
enterprise of the world. 

These are the true causes of the rapid growth of Amer- 
ica, which, joined to her immense natural resources, 
must make her eventually the most powerful country on 
the globe. It is the principle of liberty, carried out in all 
its ramifications and details, which has produced these 
mighty results. The states of Buenos Ayres and Brazil 
contain immense fertile plains, blessed with a climate 
vastly superior to that of the United States, and watered 
by streams which may vie with the Mississippi ; but no 
earnest attempt seems, as yet, to have been made to set- 
tle them ; and of the thousands of emigrants from Europe, 
scarcely a handful have seen the La Plata, or ventured 
themselves on the Amazon. The physical advantages 
are on the side of South America; but every moral and 
political superiority is permanently established in the 
United States. 

One of the greatest advantages enjoyed by the Ameri- 
cans, and which can never be sufficiently taken into con- 
sideration, consists in their being descended from the 
greatest and most enterprising nation in Europe. Amer- 
ica, in her very cradle, was the child of freedom — wrapt 
in chartered rights and immunities. She was the offspring 
of a strong, healthy, well-conditioned mother, who was 
determined not to spoil her by foolish caresses, but 
rather hardened her constitution by premature exposure. 
To the noble blood of her mother, she joined the superi- 
ority of education obtained in the school of adversity; 
and to the attachment of her parent to liberty, the sturdy 
love of independence. 

The English have bestowed more blessings on humani- 



DERIVED FROM BRITAIN. 155 

ty, by the establishment of their colonies, than any other 
nation in the world. To whatever quarter they have 
transferred their laws and institutions, they have con- 
tributed to improve the condition of the human race. The 
French, the Dutch, the Spaniards, and the Portuguese 
have also established colonies ; but these have never risen 
to political importance. They were no nurseries of free- 
dom^ but administered only to the sordid cupidity of 
their parents. Even in achieving their independence 
they fall into wreck and ruin ; and the sickly progeny of 
diseased parents can hardly survive their sires. Compare 
to this the active.'vigor of the British Colonies ; their legis- 
lative assemblies ; their administration of justice, and the 
liberty of the press established in most of them ! 

The Americans, after the war of independence, pos- 
sessed the advantage of British laws and institutions ; 
from which they selected and retained ail they deemed 
good, and rejected all that was obnoxious or inapplicable. 
It was a particularly fortunate circumstance that they 
could retain so much ; and thus the citizens of the young 
republic were already accustomed to conform to the major- 
ity of their new laws. Had the change in the legislation 
been sudden and radical, it would, perhaps, have been 
difficult, in the outset, to enforce that unlimited respect 
for the law, without which no liberal government can sub- 
sist, or must soon degenerate into anarchy. 

But it was not so in America. Most of the statute laws 
of the States were of old standing, and the people willing 
to bow to them as the result of the wisdom of ages. This 
was a great step towards the consolidation and perma- 
nency of their government. They had, in most cases, 
only to transfer power instead of creating it anew ; and 
the people who were used to its existence were ready to 
lend it obedience. 

The same principle is yet operating in the new settle- 
ments. Without any legislative assembly, or a special 
agreement for that purpose, every new colony in the 
Western States elects its magistrates, empannels its juries, 
and establishes its courts of justice, as if the settlers 
were the inhabitants of a county in Great Britain ; and 
without a positive code of their own, the English law is 
in force till abrogated by statutes. This establishes order 



156 AMERICAN IMPROVEMENTS. 

and harmony in the beginning, and is the means of great 
savings of time and money. Instead of turning their 
early attention to tlie establishment of governments, and 
the enacting of suitable laws, the whole energy of the set- 
tlers is employed in improving the country, under the 
highest moral and political standard of legislation, adopt- 
ed by the common consent of all parties. The Ameri- 
cans, by a singular dispensation of Providence, are ena- 
bled to profit by experience which they themselves have 
not made ; and are enlightened by the wisdom of old 
age, in the vigor and buoyancy of adolescence. 

But if the Americans have inherited advantages from 
England, they have not been the less anxious to improve 
them. They have not buried their talent, but put it out 
at interest. To the eminent qualities they possessed by 
virtue of their descent, they have added copious new ones ; 
and have been studiously anxious to avoid the errors of 
their ancestors. Their laws and institutions furnish 
ample proofs of this assertion. They have promoted mo- 
rality by the simple force of example ; they have advanc- 
ed the cause of religion without making appropriation for 
the clergy ; they have facilitated the means of education, 
by establishing free schools throughout the country, and 
are entitled to the universal gratitude of mankind, by 
their philanthropic improvements in the discipline of 
prisons. They have gone farther ; they have aided the 
progress of education.in foreign countries, by establishing 
seminaries of learning in Greece, and sending missiona- 
ries and instructers to the islands of the Pacific, to spread 
the doctrines of Christianity among the Indians ; and 
have set an example to their own progenitors in their ef- 
forts for the suppression of intemperance. They have 
joined their efl^'orts to those of the most prominent philan- 
thropical societies of Europe, and have softened the lot 
of fugitives from tyranny by the most liberal provisions of 
Congress. Tiie absolute powers of Europe have desig- 
nated America as an exile for political oflenders — a con- 
ception which does credit to their ingenuity ; but they 
ought to take heed, lest the banishment should become 
too attractive, and hasten the commission of crimes, for 
the sake of incurring its penalty. 

But the strongest tie, which unites the Americans into 



FREEDOM FROM PREJUDICES. 157 

a powerful nation, is, nevertheless, the hope of acquiring 
property and consideration, which their institutions hold 
out to all persons, without distinction of birth or parentage. 
The idea may be prosaic ; but it is, nevertheless, a cor- 
rect one. What unites the citizens of a country more ef- 
fectually than their common stakes of rights and proper- 
ty 1 The more they have to defend, the better will they 
defend it. Must not the stoutest patriotism relax in a 
country, in which a man is born only to be the footstool 
of those above him ; in which the most persevering exer- 
tion can hardly protect him against want, and in which 
he must leave his children without inheritance, to lead 
the same weary life as their father. How must it affect 
his pride and honest ambition, to be marked from his 
birth as an inferior being ; though the faculties of his 
mind ought to make him the peer of the favored! What 
stimulus to industry is there in the thought that labor is 
incompatible with respectability, and that the highest 
title to respect is the having inherited a fortune ? 

The Americans alone, of all nations, have completely 
overcome these prejudices. In their country the same 
rights, the same privileges are offered to all ; industry is 
an honor, and idleness a disgrace ; all a man earns is his 
own, or goes unimpaired to his children ; no beginning is 
so humble but what it may lead to honor ; and every 
honest exertion is sure of its adequate reward. As long 
as the institutions of America are productive of such hap- 
py results, it is but natural that the people should cling 
to them as the principal cause of their boundless national 
prosperity. 

Of all the writers on the United States, I remember 
but one,* who has enlarged on the general morality of 
the country, to show the intimate connection which exists 
between it and the stability of republican governments. 
This is a subject of much importance, and admits of a 
variety of detail. 

Morality, I am aware, is philosophically separable from 
religion ; but I am fully convinced, that in practice, es- 
pecially as regards the whole people, the separation is 
absolutely impossible. Neither the mere abstract love of 

* Alexis de Tocqueville ^' Dela Dimocratie en AmtririxLeP 
14 



158 



THE UNITARIANS. 



virtue, nor its perfect harmony with all other laws of na- 
ture, nor even tlie happiness which it is calculated event- 
ually to produce, have ever been sufficient to restrain 
either the lower or higher classes from the commission of 
crimes against individuals or society in general. Religion, 
in all countries, has been the broadest basis of national 
virtue ; and the same holds of the United States of Amer- 
ica. Although the most perfect tolerance exists with re- 
gard to particular creeds, yet it is absolutely necessary 
that a man should belong to some persuasion or other, lest 
his fellow-citizens should consider him an outcast from 
society. The Jews are tolerated in America with the 
same liberality as any denomination of Christians; but 
if a person were to call himself a Deist or an Atheist, it 
would excite universal execration. Yet there are reli- 
gious denominations, in the United States, whose creeds 
are very nearly verging on Deism ; but, taking their ar- 
guments from the Bible, and calling themselves followers 
of Christ, they and their doctrines are tolerated, together 
with their form of worship. 

The Unitarians, who are forming large congregations 
in the Northern and Eastern States, taking for "their mot- 
to the words of St. Paul, " Prove all things ; hold fast 
that which is good,'* are, perhaps without knowing it, as 
nearly as possible, on the verge of pure Deism ; but as 
long as they conform to the usual form of prayers, to the 
regular sabbath service and evening lectures, and partake 
of the sacrament, they will be considered as good Christ- 
ians, and enjoy the same consideration as any other sect 
in existence. But their creed is far from being univer- 
sally popular, especially in the Southern States, where it 
is almost wholly confined to the trading classes, composed 
of emigrants from New England. 

The inhabitants of the South are principally Episco- 
palians, and as much attached to authority in religion as 
they dislike it in politics. They consider Unitarianism as 
a religious democracy; because it relies less on the au- 
thority of the Scriptures, than on the manner in which 
the understanding of the clergy expounds them, and re- 
tains too little mysticism in its form of worship, to strike 
the multitude with awe. I have listened to many excel- 
lent sermons preached by Unitarian clergymen, contain- 



UNITARIANISM. 159 

ing the most sublime morals which I ever knew to flow 
from the pulpit ; but I hardly ever perceived a close con- 
nection between the text and the sermon ; and whenever 
they entered upon theological doctrines, I have always 
found them at variance with themselves and each other. 
I write this with the fullest conviction that I do not, my- 
self, belong to any orthodox persuasion ; but, as far as log- 
ical reasoning and consequence of argument go, I think 
the Unitarians more deficient than any other denomina- 
tion of Christians. I do not see how they can hold the 
ground which they have assumed : they must, in my opin- 
ion, go either further on the road to Deism, or retrace 
their steps, and become once more dogmatical Christians. 
The greatest objection I would make to Unitarianism is 
the absence o^ love in many of its doctrines; and the sub- 
stitution of ratiocination in most cases, where the heart 
alone would speak louder than all the demands of a se- 
date, reasonable, modest morality. When I hear an ar- 
gumentative sermon, I always remember the words of our 
Savior : 

"Happy are the poor in spirit; for theirs is the king- 
dom of heaven.*' 

And when I hear stoic virtues preached, I remember 
poor Magdalen, 

"To whom much was forgiven; because she loved 
much," 

Two reasons there are for the spreading of Unitarian 
doctrines in the United States. First, because its minis- 
ters are amongst the* most highly gifted, and the more el- 
oquent as they belong to a sect which is yet in the minor- 
ity; and, secondly, because there is a class of people in 
America, who, aware of the moral and political necessity 
of religion, in order to restrain the vices of human nature, 
would do all in their power to preserve the text and prac- 
tical applications of Christianity ; while, at the same 
time, they would willingly dispense with certain ceremo- 
nies and popular beliefs, which, in their opinion, are not 
essential to religious worship. They call themselves 
" Unitarians ; " because they dare not call themselves 
more, or rather less ; and are better known by their op- 
position to orthodoxy, or what they think the extrava- 
gances of the Christian faith, than by any positive tenets 



160 UNITARIANISM 

of their own. They agree, as far as I am acquainted, on 
but one point, which is the denial of the Trinity, by deny- 
ing the divinity of Christ ; but as to the authority for their 
belief, it is too nearly related to a certain branch of the 
applied mathematics, to require a particular comment.* 

Many Unitarian preachers have published excellent 
sermons, which have become popular, even in England ; 
and as long as they refrain from attacking other sects, 
and retain their purity of style, I can see no reason why 
they should not be read by all denominations of Christ- 
ians, as containing a concise, intelligible, and even elo- 
quent code of morals. 

I ought to observe, moreover, that the Unitarians in 
New England form a highly respectable and intellectual 
class of society, whose private lives and virtues offer but 
little room either for moral or religious criticism. This 
is probably the reason why Unitarianism is supposed to 
become popular in the United States ; though it is, by the 
great majority of the people, still looked upon as a doc- 
trine incompatible with pure Christianity. But then we 
ought to distinguish between cause and effect, and not as- 
cribe exclusively to the doctrine, what may perhaps be 
more easily explained by the peculiar position of its fol- 
lowers. 

The Unitarians in the United States are not numerous : 
they are, for the most part, in tolerable circumstances ; 
and at the head of their persuasion is the oldest and best 
university of the country. t No other religious denomi- 
nation in America enjoys the same advantages; and we 
might, therefore, naturally expect some moral distinction 
in favor of its adherents. But if Unitarianism should 
ever become the creed of the great mass of the people, 
it is more than probable those advantages v/ould cease, 
or, at least, be confined to a small number. 

Religion gains more from the heart than from the ab- 
stract understanding; and is more accessible through the 

* I have heard the doctrine of the Trinity disputed on the ground 
that three ^XG. not one ; as if any denomination of Christians considered 
the trinity of God as more or less than three different manifestations of 
the same principle. I thought these objections sufficiently combated in 
Swift's sermon " On the Trinity." 

t Harvard College— the most literary institution in the United States. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 161 

medium of the feelings, than through the most logical 
course of demonstrative reasoning. Man is naturally a 
sophist, and ever ready to adapt his creed to his actions, 
or at least to allow his conscience a certain latitude, in- 
compatible with moral and religious justice. 

The Christian religion addresses itself particularly to 
the heart, and is, on that account, accessible to all capaci- 
ties, and adapted to every condition of life. Love and 
charity are its basis; and Christ himself has set the di- 
vine example in dying for the sins of this world. To strip 
religion of its awful mysteries, to explain the creation 
and redemption of man like a phenomenon in natural 
philosophy, and to make human intellect the ultimate 
judge of its truth and applications, — is to deprive it of its 
sanctity, and thereby of its influence on the majority of 
mankind. 

I do not believe that the spreading of Unitarianism will 
serve to increase the respect for the Christian religion, 
or that its moral consequences will benefit society in gen- 
eral. Neither do I think it capable of becoming the uni- 
versal religion of the people, whose affections and hopes 
require a stronger prop than the cold dictates of human 
morality. 

Venture then to hope ; and fondly dream : 
Yonder world shall ev'ry pledge redeem, 
Of your true and faithful sentiment * 

Thus far, it does not appear that Unitarianism has 
made very rapid progress in the United States. The num- 
ber of its congregations is still small when compared to 
those of other denominations of Christians, and, as far as 
I am acquainted, is not on the increase. This, however, 
is not owing to the want of zeal in their clergymen, but 
principally to the doctrine itself; which does not seem to 
captivate the feelings and sympathies of the great mass 
of Americans, however it may please and accord with 
the argumentative disposition of its followers. 

* Wage du za hofFen und zu traumen ; 
Wort gehalten wird in jenen Raumen, 
Jedem schonen glaubigen Gefahl. 

Schiller's Thekla eine Geisterstimme. 
14* 



162 DIFFERENT RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS IN THE U. S. 

The most luunerous religious sects in the United States 
are the Methodists, the Presbyterians, and the Baptists. 

The following table will exhibit a general summary of 
the difl'erent religious de/aominations in the U. States : — 



Denominations. 


Ministers. 


Churches or 
Congregations 


(/omniunicants. 


Congregationalists - - - 


975 


1,071 


129,756 


Presbyterians (Gen. Assembly) 


1,914 


2,648 


247,964 


Reformed Dutch Church - 


167 


197 


22,515 


Associate Presbyterian Church - 


70 


109 


12,886 


Associate Reformed Church 


43 


100 


10,000 


Cumberland Presbyterians 


400 




60,000 


German Reformed Church 


186 


(300 


30,000 


Baptists Calvhiistic - 


3,110 


5,888 


384,859 


Free-will Baptists - - - 


342 


546 


25,276 


Seventh day Baptists 


32 


32 


4,258 


Six principle Baptists 


12 


23 


2,137 


Christian Baptists 


300 


1,000 


30,000 


Mennonite Baptists - 


200 




30,000 


Tunker Baptists 


40 


"40 


3,000 


Methodist Episcopal Church 


2,458 




038,784 


Methodist Protestants 


70 




30,000 


Protestant Episcopal Church - 
Roman Catholic Church - 


701 


800 




340 


383 




Evangelical Lutheran Church 


191 


027 


59,787 


United Brethren or Moravians 


33 


24 


2,000 


Unitarians (Congregationalists) 


165 


187 




New Jerusalem Church - 


33 


27 




Universalists - . . - 


300 


600 




Friends or Cluakers - 




500 




Shakers or Millennial Church - 


45 


15 





This table, which, it will be perceived, is incomplete, 
furnishes, nevertheless, twelve thousand one hundred and 
twenty-seven ministers, fifteen thousand four hundred and 
seventy-seven churches, and one million seven hundred 
and twenty-three thousand two hundred and twenty-two 
communicants. The Presbyterians enumerated in the 
above table belong, moreover, all to New England; and 
there arc yet a considerable number in the other states. 
The number of Jews is computed at about fifteen thou- 
sand. It appears, then, that out of the whole population, 
including slaves and children, there are five communicants 



HIGH VALUE OF RELIGION. 163 

to every thirty-nine persons, one minister to every eleven 
hundred, and a church to every eight hundred and forty, 
nearly. 

When we reflect that no tax is imposed for the support 
of ministers, or the building of cliurches, and that, con- 
sequently, all those establishments are the result of volun- 
tary contributions of the people, the conviction will cer- 
tainly be forced on our minds that the Americans are 
deeply impressed with the importance of religious instruc- 
tion, and that, together with their freedom, they prize noth- 
ing so high as the sacred truths of Christianity. No 
more satisfactory evidence is required on this subject, 
than the fact that they are willing to jjaij for it ; which is 
certainly a singular coincidence when contrasted with the 
political position of other countries. If there were an 
established religion of state, I doubt whether half the 
money could be raised for its support which is now cheer- 
fully expended for the maintenance of twenty-five differ- 
ent doctrines. 

The American ministers are continually striving to 
make proselytes, and, being usually paid in proportion to 
the number of communicants, anxious to increase the 
number of their respective congregations. I do not mean 
to say that this is the only motive of their religious ardor; 
but merely speak of the advantages of the system over all 
others, independent of the intrinsic merits of the minis- 
ters. The principle of paying most " where most work 
is done," or where it is done best, which is daily produc- 
ing miracles in the United States, is even applicable to 
the clergy, and is productive of more good to mankind 
than could be produced with twice the funds in any coun- 
try in Europe. Not only have the Americans a greater 
number of clergymen than, in proportion to the popula- 
tion, can be found either on the Continent or in England; 
but they have not one idler amongst them, all of them be- 
ing obliged to exert themselves for the spiritual welfare of 
their respective congregations. The Americans, there- 
fore, enjoy a threefold advantage : they have more preach- 
ers ; they have more active preachers, and they have 
cheaper preachers than can be found in any part of Eu- 
rope. 

The religious habits of the Americans form not only 



164 RELIGIOUS HABITS 

the basis of their private and public morals, but have be- 
come so thoroughly interwoven with their whole course 
of legislation, that it would be impossible to change them, 
without affecting the very essence of their government. 
Not only are the manners and habits of a people, at all 
times, stronger than the positive law, but the latter itself 
is never readily obeyed without becoming reduced to a 
custom. It is to the manners and habits of a nation we 
must look for the continuance of their government. In 
France, where the people have for ages been accustomed 
to an absolute and despotic government, where every his- 
torical monument, every palace, every work of art, nay, 
the very furniture of their rooms, speak monarchy, we 
perceive constant anomalies in society, from the legisla- 
tive halls down to the meanest public resort; simply be- 
cause the people are accustomed to feel one way, and 
constrained to reason and act in another. They possess 
yet the forms of religion, which have ceased to convey to 
them a meaning; they have yet the splendor of a throne, 
without any of the feelings of loyalty ; they have all the 
titles and pretensions of their ancient nobles, with the 
most unbounded love of equality. Yet, with all their po- 
litical excitability, and their theoretical attachment to re- 
publicanism, they are constantly lulled asleep by monar- 
chical principles, without offering any other resistance 
than the sensation which the fact itself produces, when 
set off by the pen of an editor. An Englishman or an 
American would feel the encroachment on his liberty ; 
because it would oblige him to change his habits, which 
he is less prepared to do, than to surrender a positive 
right. American liberty is further advanced in the minds 
of the people than even in the laws themselves. It has 
become an active principle which lives with, and animates 
the nation, and of which their political constitution is but 
a. facsimile. 

Whatever contributes to confirm a people in the habit- 
ual exercise of freedom, is an additional guarantee of its 
continuance ; and whatever has been instrumental in pro- 
curing that freedom, or is associated with it in their minds, 
must be preserved with religious care, lest liberty itself 
should suffer in their estimation. This is the case with 
the doctrines of Christianity in the United States. Reli- 



OF THE AMERICANS. 165 

gion has been the basis of the most important American 
settlements ; religion kept their little community togeth- 
er — religion assisted them in their revolutionary struggle ; 
it was religion to which they appealed in defending their 
rights, and it was religion, in fine, which taught them to 
prize their liberties. It is with the solemnities of religion 
that the declaration of independence is yet annually read 
to the people from the pulpit, or that Americans celebrate 
the anniversaries of the most important events in their 
history. It is to religion they have recourse whenever 
they wish to impress the popular feeling with anything 
relative to their country ; and it is religion which assists 
them in all their national undertakings. The Americans 
look upon religion as a promoter of civil and political 
liberty ; and have, therefore, transferred to it a large por- 
tion of the affection which they cherish for the institu- 
tions of their country. In other countries, where religion 
has become the instrument of oppression, it has been the 
policy of the liberal party to diminish its influence ; but 
in America its promotion is essential to the constitution. 

Religion presides over their councils, aids in the exe- 
cution of the laws, and adds to the dignity of the judges. 
Whatever is calculated to diminish its influence and prac- 
tice, has a tendency to weaken the government, and is, 
consequently, opposed to the peace and welfare of the 
United States. It would have a direct tendency to lessen 
the respect for the law, to bring disorder into their public 
deliberations, and (o retard the administration of justice. 

The deference which the Americans pay to morality is 
scarcely inferior to their regard for religion, and is, in 
part, based upon the latter. The least solecism in the 
moral conduct of a man is attributed to his want of relig- 
ion, and is visited upon him as such. It is not the offence 
itself, but the outrage on society, which is punished. They 
see in a breach of morals a direct violation of religion ; 
and in this, an attempt to subvert the political institutions 
of the country. These sentiments are all-powerful in 
checking the appearance of vice, even if they are not al- 
ways sufficient to preclude its existence. 

With Argus-eyes does public opinion watch over the 
words and actions of individuals, and, whatever may be 
their private sins, enforces at least a tribute to morahty in 
public. 



166 HIGH VALUE SET 

My meaning cannot be misunderstood. — It is but the 
open violation of the law, which comes before the forum 
of the judge ; for our secret transgressions we shall have 
to account with our God. Public virtue must be guarded 
against the pernicious influence of example ; vice must 
be obliged to conceal itself, in order not to tincture soci- 
ety in general. In this consists the true force and whole- 
some influence of public opinion. It becomes a mighty 
police-agent of morality and religion, which not only dis- 
covers crimes, but partly prevents their commission. The 
whole people of the United States are empannelled as a 
permanent jury to pronounce their verdict of '^guilty" 
or " not guilty " on the conduct and actions of men, from 
the President down to the laborer ; and there is no ap- 
peal from their decision. Public opinion may sometimes 
be unjust for a long time, especially in reference to poli- 
ticians ; but it hardly ever remains so, and there is no in- 
jury which it inflicts, which it is not in its power to rem- 
edy. 

Another proof of the high premium at which morality 
is held in the United States, consists in its influence on 
the elections of oflicers. In Europe, a man of genius is 
almost privileged. If he be a poet or an artist, allowanc- 
es are made for the extravagance of his fancy, or the pe- 
culiarity of his appetites. If he be a statesman, his in- 
dividual wanderings are forgotten about the general good 
he bestows on the nation ; if he be a soldier, the wounds 
he may inflict upon virtue and unguarded innocence, are 
pardoned for the sake of those he may have received in 
defending his country ; and even the clergy have their 
off'ences excused, in consideration of the morals which 
they promote by their spiritual functions. No such com- 
pensation takes place in the United States. Private virtue 
overtops the highest qualifications of the mind, and is in- 
dispensable to the progress even of the most acknowl- 
edged talents. This, in many instances, clips the wings 
of genius, by substituting a decent mediocrity in the place 
of brilliant but vicious talents ; but the nation at large is 
nevertheless a gainer in the practice. 

It must be remembered that the Americans are already 
in possession of most political advantages other nations 
are striving to obtain ; and that their principal care, there« 



ON MORALITY. 167 

fore, is rather to preserve what they have acquired, than 
to enlarge their possessions ; and for this purpose virtue 
and honest simplicity are infinitely preferable to the am- 
bitious designs of towering talents. If morality, which 
is now the common law of the country, were once to be 
dispensed with in favor of certain individuals — if the ex- 
actions which are now made of every member of the com- 
munity were to relax with regard to the peculiarly gifted, 
then the worst and most dangerous aristocracy would be 
introduced, which would not only shake the foundation 
of society, but eventually subvert the government. Tal- 
ent, in a republic, must he valued principally in propor- 
tion as it is calculated to promote public good : every ad- 
ditional regard for it enriches only the possessor ; and 
the Americans are too prudent a people, to enrich and 
elevate individual, with the property and wealth of the 
nation. 

The moment a candidate is presented for office, not 
only his mental qualifications for the functions he is about 
to assume, but also his private character are made the 
subject of criticism. Whatever he may have done, said, 
or listened to, from the time he left school to the present 
moment, is sure to be brought before the public. The 
most trifling incidents which are calculated to shed a light 
on his motives or habits of thinking, are made the sub- 
ject of the most uncompromising scrutiny; and facts and 
circumstances, already buried in oblivion, are once more 
brought before the judging eye of the people. This, un- 
doubtedly, gives rise to a vast deal of personal abuse and 
scurrility, and may even disturb the domestic peace of 
families ; but then the candidates for office are compara- 
tively few, while the people, who are to be benefited or 
injured by their election, are many ; they are all presenting 
themselves of their own accord, and the people compel- 
led to be their judges ; they have friends to defend and 
extol their virtues, and they must therefore expect to have 
enemies, who will endeavor to tarnish their fair reputa- 
tion. We may have pity on a repentant culprit— we may 
be roused to indignation by the condemnation of an in- 
nocent person ; but we would not, on that account, abol- 
ish the trial by jury, or shut our courts of justice, which 
are instituted not only for the punishment but also for the 



168 HIGH VALUE SET 

prevention of crime. The process of an American elec- 
tion resembles that of a Roman canonization: the candi- 
date must be fairly snatched from the clutches of the 
devil's advocate, before he can be admitted to the unre- 
strained enjoyment of paradise. If, in this manner, some 
are prevented from becoming saints, who have a just title 
to that dignity, — it may also serve to prevent a heathen 
worship of idols, which would divert the people from the 
true faith. 

It is an erroneous maxim, to consider American insti- 
tutions as they are calculated to affect individuals : they 
are made for the people, and intended to benefit the 
majority. The consideration of quality must necessarily, 
in many instances, yield to the reflection on quantity ; 
and a small benefit extended to large numbers, be pre- 
ferred to a signal advantage conferred on a favored few. 
The American government possessing little coercive 
power, cannot introduce sudden changes either for the 
better or worse, and is, therefore, less able to correct an 
abuse if it is once introduced and sanctioned by the 
majority, than any other government in the world.* It is 
consequently of the greatest importance that public mo- 
rality should be preserved at any price, and that the 
people themselves should compose the tribun-al before 
which the offenders are to be tried. It is their noblest 
privilege to be themselves the guardians of their moral 
and religious rights, without which their political immu- 
nities would soon become crippled and destroyed. In 
this manner they will not always secure the greatest 
talents, but generally the moral integrity of their leaders ; 
they will not easily sacrifice peace to national glory, but 
promote the tranquil happiness of millions ; their career 
will not be one of brilliant triumph, but it will be less 
sullied with political crimes ; they will not give birth to a 
Caesar or an Augustus, but be spared the mourning for 
Brutus. 

Morality, in America, is not only required of a states- 

* De Tocqueville entertains directly the opposite opinion — but seems 
10 have considered this matter rather in a legal than an historical point 
of view. The laws may easily change — but not the habits of the people, 
after they have once been generally adopted. 



ON MORALITY. 169 

man, but is equally necessary in every occupation of life. 
The merchant who employs a clerk, the master-workman 
who employs a journeyman, the gentleman who hires a 
servant, will all make morality an indispensable condition 
of contract. In this they are as much guided by their 
own choice, as by the opinions of their neighbors and the 
community in general. An inferior workman of " steady 
habits " is ahiiost always preferred to one possessed of 
the highest business qualifications, but with a doubtful 
moral character. Thus, a married man will be sooner 
trusted than one who is single ; because "he has given 
hostage to fortune," and possesses what Bacon calls "an 
impediment to mischief." A man of sober habits will be 
sooner employed than one addicted to intemperance ; and 
a clumsy, but moral servant will more readily obtain a 
situation, than one who is expert and vicious. Religion 
will, in all, be considered as a pledge of morality; and a 
lax observance of religious duties, as a bad index to their 
private virtues. In short, morality and religion are as 
indispensable to the laboring classes in the United States, 
as powerful and well-formed limbs, and a correct use of 
the understanding. They will often atone for a variety 
of other imperfections; but without them every other 
qualification becomes useless, and only serves to aggra- 
vate the despair of success. 

There is one particular sentiment pervading all classes 
of Americans, which, though something similar exists in 
England, is in no other country carried to the same ex- 
tent, or productive of the same consequences. I mean 
the universal respect for women, and the protection 
oftered them, to whatever order of society they may be- 
long. Ladies are respected, or rather command respect, 
every where, especially in England ; but in no country 
are the penalties fixed by the law, or the received customs 
of society, on a breach of decorum, so severe as in the 
United States. The commission of such an off"ence not 
only excludes a man from society, but influences his 
business, his character, his reputation, his prospects in 
life, and every reasonable chance of success. No rank 
or standing proves sufficient to protect him against the 
denunciations of the public; no repentance can atone for 
an offence once known to the world. Of all the crimes 
15 



170 HIGH VALUE SET ON MORALITY. 

against society, the Americans seem to be bent upoo 
visiting this with the most unrelenting severity; of all that 
obtain forgiveness, this alone seems to form an exception. 

Neither is this protection, as I have said before, only 
offered to ladies, or to those whose education and family 
entitle them to particular consideration, as is the case in 
Europe; it extends to all classes without distinction, and 
is even more favorable to the lower orders, than to those 
who are supposed to be above them. 

If a man of fortune and reputation were to ruin an 
innocent girl, or be guilty of a breach of promise, were it 
but to a waiting-woman, it would no less afl'ect his stand- 
ing in society, and expose him to the revenge of the 
public. iVeither ladies nor gentlemen would plead his 
cause ; and his only chance of escape from punishment, 
would be to satisfy the injured party. 

Where a feeling of this kind is so general, and acts 
alike on every member of society, it cannot be the result 
of a mere polite etiquette, but must be based on a princi- 
ple which is deeply rooted in the mind, and forms part of 
the national code of morals. Its advantages in promoting 
early marriages, and preserving the sanctity of the mar- 
riage vow, are incalculable, and are the best comment on 
the rapid increase of population and the domestic happi- 
ness, which is enjoyed throughout the United States. 

Let us compare this to the state of public morals in 
Europe. A gentleman being guilty of a breach of promise, 
or an offence still more heinous, with regard to a ladi/, 
will be called to an account by her relations or friends ? 
he will have to settle the matter "as a man of honor;" 
and if he be so lucky as to escape uninjured, the affair is 
brought to an end. At the next drawing-room he will 
appear with additional eclat; there will be something 
distingue in his whole carriage and manners; while the 
most kind-hearted of the ladies will consider him a gen- 
tleman of" high spirit," and rather the more interesting, 
"as he has got himself into difficulty." He will, for a 
time, become the hero of society; where his first success 
will only facilitate the road to his next conquest. 

If a young man of rank and expectations should hap- 
pen to injure a woman in an inferior rank of life, the 
matter will be only considered as something a young 



DOMESTIC VIRTUE OF THE AMERICANS. 171 

gentleman is hardly able to avoid; or he will be pitied 
for his want of refinement in not making a better selec- 
tion. And the woman? "Why! she must have been a 
fool to believe him. Why did she raise her expectations 
so high ? She could not, in her senses, believe he would 
marry her." In short, the case is dismissed, as being too 
uninteresting to deserve a moment's attention. 

An injured gentleman fares hardly better. He becomes 
the object of ridicule — while his rival moves on in his 
career, and has scarcely another consolation left, than 
that which belongs to all misery — of suffering in common 
with others. The Code Napoleon, and subsequently the 
Code Franpais, have very wisely abandoned this matter 
"to the censure of public opinion." There is a case in 
which the best law becomes useless ; and this is when it 
is impossible to obtain justice /rom 2cant of an impartial 
jury. 

I consider the domestic virtue of the Americans as the 
principal source of all their other qualities. It acts as a 
promoter of industry, as a stimulus to enterprise, and as 
the most powerful restrainer of public vice. It reduces 
life to its simplest elements, and makes happiness less 
dependent on precarious circumstances ; it ensures the 
proper education of children, and acts, by the force of 
example, on the morals of the rising generation : in 
short, it does more for the preservation of peace and 
good order, than all the laws enacted for that purpose; 
and is a better guarantee for the permanency of the 
American government, than any written instrument, the 
constitution itself not excepted. 

No government could be established on the same prin- 
ciple as that of the United States, with a different code 
of morals. The American Constitution is remarkable 
for its simplicity; but it can only suffice a people habit- 
ually correct in their actions, and would be utterly in- 
adequate to the wants of a different nation. Change the 
domestic habits of the Americans, their religious devo- 
tion, and theii* high respect for morality, and it will not 
be necessary to change a single letter of the Constitution 
in order to vary the whole form of their government. 
The circumstances being altered, the same causes would 
no ionger produce the same effects ; and it is more than 



172 ADVANTAGES OF MARRIED MEN IN AMERICA. 

probable, that the disparity which would then exist be- 
tween the laws and the habits of those whom they are 
destined to govern, would not only make a different 
government desirable, but absolutely necessary, to pre- 
serve the nation from ruin. 

The moral and domestic habits of the Americans must 
necessarily exercise an important influence on the acqui- 
sition and accumulation of property. A single man 
encounters often more difliculties in making his way 
through the world, than one whose early marriage has 
increased his stimulus to exertion. The man who has a 
family is doubly pledged to virtue, and has, in every 
additional member, a monitor to industry and frugality. 
In a country like America, where so much depends on 
individual enterprise, the eftect of it, when anyways ably 
directed, can never long remain doubtful; especially when 
it is seconded and approved of by the community in 
general. Accordingly, there are but few single men 
largely engaged in commerce, or any other kind of enter- 
prise, and less who, in that state, are capable of accumu- 
lating fortunes. The most enterprising merchants and 
ship-owners, the first manufacturers, and the proprietors 
of the largest estates in the country, are married men ; 
and what is still more remarkable, have acquired their 
property, not before, but after, their marriage. 

This example of prosperity in the marriage-state, and 
the consequently greater facilities of credit of married 
men, act as a premium on matrimony ; and enable men 
to provide for their wives and children, who, without 
them, might have been unable to provide for themselves. 
But when the foundation of a fortune is once laid, its 
increase and accumulation follow as a matter of course, 
unless some unexpected calamity should blast the hope 
of success. The moment a man is known to have ac- 
quired a little property by his own industry, he receives 
credit for ingenuity and perseverance, and is trusted on 
account of these virtues. His means become, in this 
manner, much more enlarged than his estate ; and it 
depends chiefly on the resources of his own mind, what 
advantages he will draw from his position. 

But if the acquisition and accumulation of property in 
the United States is made comparatively easy, and credit 



AMERICAN INDEPENDECE. 173 

given to those who succeed in it, a proportionally larger 
discredit must attach itself to those who are unfortunate 
and poor; and this is really carried to a melanchol}^ ex- 
tent, although, from the unexampled prosperity of the 
country, there are few to whom it will apply. A man, in 
America, is not despised for being poor in the outset— 
three-fourths of all that are rich have begun in the same 
way; — but every year which passes, without adding to 
his prosperity, is a reproach to his understanding or 
industry ; and if he should become old without having 
acquired some property, or showing reasons which pre- 
vented his success, — if he should not enjoy a reputation 
as a scholar or a professional man, — then I am afraid he 
will be doubly punished ; — by his own helpless situation, 
and the want of sympathy in others. But in this case, it 
is not the want of property, which deprives him of the 
consideration of his fellow-beings: it is the want of talent, 
ingenuity, perseverance, or enterprise, which might have 
insured his success. Hence an American will seldom 
complain of losses, want of business, or prosperity in 
general. The sympathy he might create in his friends 
would rather injure than benefit him ; and would, at 
best, but destroy his credit with the rest. In the United 
States, if a man has made a bad bargain, he is sure to 
keep the secret to himself, lest his business talent should 
be doubted ; if he has been unfortunate in a speculation, 
he will find a remedy in another, without lamenting the 
loss ; and should he even be ruined, he will put on a good 
face, arrange himself with his creditors, and start anew, 
cautioned by his former experience. 

This habit, of depending chiefly on themselves, pro- 
duces in the Americans a spirit of independence, scarce- 
ly to be found in any other nation. It stifles complaints 
of all sorts ; makes them support heavy times and calami- 
ties with patience ; and inspires them with hope and 
energy when oppressed with loss and misfortunes. Dur- 
ing a residence of many years in the United States, I 
have had frequent intercourse with all classes of society, 
but do not remember having heard a single individual 
complain of misfortunes ; and I have never known a 
native American to ask for charity. No country in the 
world has such a small number of persons supported at 
15* 



174 RESPECT FOR THE LAW, 

the public expense ; and of that small number one half 
are foreign paupers. An American, embarrassed in his 
pecuniary circumstances, can hardly be prevailed upon to 
ask or accept the assistance of his own relations ; and 
will, in many instances, scorn to have recourse to his 
own parents. Even an unsuccessful politician will leave 
the field without a groan, not to appear overcome by his 
antagonist; and, whatever be his secret anguish, show a 
bright countenance to the public. Happiness and pros- 
perity are so 'popular in the United States, that no bne 
dares to show himself an exception to the rule ; and 
avoiding carefully the semblance of misfortune, they 
generally succeed in reality, and become that which they 
have always been striving to appear. 

Another feature of the American character, which is 
evidently entailed upon them from the English, is their 
unbounded respect for the law. Notwithstanding the 
frequent accounts of disturbances, (which for the most 
part are so exaggerated as scarcely to bear a semblance 
to truth,) there exists in the United States an universal 
submission to the law, and a prompt obedience to the 
magistrates, which, with the exception of Great Britain, 
is not to be found in any other country. If there be but 
a small force required in England to put down the popu- 
lar fury, nothing of the kind exists at all in America; 
and we ought, therefore, not to wonder if, with the more 
frequent causes of popular excitement, and the total 
absence of any armed power to restrain it, there some- 
times occur excesses, which disturb the public peace. 

The lower classes in England are never called upon 
for an expression of their political sentiments, while in 
most of the states of the American Union, every man is 
entitled to vote, and becomes, by the constitution of his 
country, a judge of the actions of his rulers. His feel- 
ings, and his worst passions are constantly appealed to 
by political leaders and the press, and it requires a for- 
bearance, which the operative classes in Europe can 
hardly be supposed to possess, in order, on trying occa- 
sions, to abstain from abusing these privileges. The 
American riots, moreover, which are so much the subject 
of conversation in England, hardly ever originate with the 
lower classes themselves J but are instigated by political 



AMERICAN RIOTS. 175 

partisans to forward their individual designs. They 
operate for this purpose on foreio:ners, who are too short 
a time in tlie United States to have made themselves 
acquainted with the law, and whose strange credulity is 
easily excited into abusive conduct. 

But what are these riots, after all, but infringements on 
the police regulations of the cities — an improper expres- 
sion of popular feelings on some vexatious occasion, ivith- 
oid the least attempt to effect a change in the law. Com- 
pare to this the horrible scenes of the Manchester and 
Bristol riots in England ! When has it been known that 
the lower classes in America disturbed the legislative 
assemblies, encroached on the dignity of the judges, re- 
fused to pay tlie taxes assessed by their representatives, 
or offered a permanent resistance to the law ? The dis- 
orderly conduct above alluded to, is produced without 
premeditation, on the spur of the moment, and passes, 
like an April shower, without leaving a vestige of its 
occurrence. The damages, on such occasions, consist 
in one or two broken heads, and some black eyes, for 
which a proper fine is exacted ; and the matter is dis- 
missed from the court, as ii is from the mind of the pub- 
lic, to engross the speculations of Europeans, who may 
feel concerned for the safety of America. 

If instead of reading the exaggerated accounts of these 
riots in the American papers, (which are generally colored 
for a party purpose,) one will only pay attention to facts, 
and consider the small number of persons which, on such 
occasions, are arraigned and found guilty of wilfully 
disturbing the peace, he will soon be convinced that ''the 
au'ful outrage on public decency" was committed by half 
a dozen intoxicated laborers, such as are nightly taken 
up in the streets of London, and dismissed, the next day, 
on paying the drunkard's penalty of "five shillings to the 
King." I have no hesitation to advance the opinion that 
all the magistrates of the city of New York are not, in 
this respect, as much occupied in a year, as some of the 
London magistrates in six months ; and yet I would con- 
sider my person and property as much protected in Lon- 
don, as in any other city on the globe. 

Another argument in favor of the peace-loving spirit 
of the Americans, consists in the fact of their preserving 



176 AMERICAN RIOTS 

public order, notwithstanding the attempts to infringe 
upon it, by a few unruly persons, with no other means at 
their command, tiian their own good intentions, and the 
willingness of all classes, to assist the officers of justice. 
No military force is employed for this purpose. The 
riots are quelled by the civil magistrates, assisted by tha 
people, without the aid of an armed ^police. It is always 
the people themselves, who protect the peace and watch 
over the execution of the law ; and as long as the public 
mind remains uncontaminated with the spirit of disorder, 
no fears need be entertained of any serious disturbances. 
To one rioter there are a thousand admirers of order, 
and a thousand more ready to preserve it with all the 
power in their hands. It remains yet to be observed, 
that in none of the riots which have taken place in the 
United States, the people manifested the least disposition 
for plunder. They have sometimes destroyed the private 
property of individuals, but in no instance shown the 
least design to enrich themselves by it ; and there is, 
consequently, not a shadow of truth in the assertion, that 
there is " a war between the poor and the rich," origi- 
nating in the hatred and envy of the former, of the 
superior advantages of the latter. 

A favorite habit of many American editors is to charge 
all manner of riots to the turbulent spirit of the Irish. 
This is at once getting rid of the question, by transferring 
the guilt to the "foreign paupers;" and is at least, 
proving the fact, that if the poor are not always guilty of 
crimes, they may at least with impunity be suspected. 
If it be true that public peace is disturbed only by persons 
of the lowest occupation in life, and that the Irish, from 
their poverty, are often obliged to resort to the most 
menial labor in order to procure a living, it will readily 
be conceived that, on all such occasions, they are likely 
to he amongst the number of the guilty, without being them- 
selves either the instigators or the principal actors in the 
riot. But it is also a well-known fact, that many of the 
constables, in all the large cities, on the Atlantic, are 
Irish, or of Irish extraction ; and it is equally true, that 
whenever the peace of those cities is disturbed, these 
Irish officers are amongst the most active in endeavoring 
to re-establish it. If the Irish are charged with the com- 



CHARGED TO THE IRISH. 177 

mission of popular crime, because they are sometimes 
among the number of offenders, it is but just to take 
public notice of their virtue, when it is employed in 
checking its progress. 

To one more fact I must refer before I dismiss this 
subject : — the burning of the Ursuline Convent at 
Charlestown, near Boston. I shall not enlarge on the 
fact itself, as it is already sufficiently known to my 
readers ; but 1 would remark, that this was certainly not 
done by the Irish, and was in itself sufficient to provoke 
their utmost. temper and worst passions. Yet, how have 
they borne it ? — The city of Boston is supposed to con- 
tain upwards of ten thousand Irish, principally servants 
and day-laborers ; and there were besides a large number 
of them employed on the rail-roads adjacent to that 
city. No armed force was stationed about the city, 
although watch was kept by private citizens, in order to 
give the alarm, in case of a popular movement. The 
tranquillity, however, was not disturbed for one moment, 
nor the least demonstration made of an attempt to rise 
in a body. Was this proving the turbulent spirit of the 
Irish 1 or the impossibility of governing them by laws ? 
All that was done to calm their excitement, consisted in 
a meeting of some of the most respectable citizens, to 
express their indignation at the outrage which had been 
done to society, and more particularly to the feelings of 
the Catholics ; — and this honest declaration was sufficient 
to soothe the minds of the "unruly, the turbulent Irish." 
The conduct of the citizens of Boston was undoubtedly 
praiseworthy, and well calculated to reconcile the feelings 
of the injured : they gave on that occasion a new proof 
of their wisdom and experience in all matters relative to 
the administration of justice ; but this cannot diminish 
the credit due to the moderation of the Irish, and the 
forbearance which they manifested on an appeal to their 
better feelings. I happened to be in Boston at that time, 
and was more than ever struck with the truth that justice 
is the best iJeace-maker among nations, 

I have said before, that, notwithstanding the occurrence 
of popular disturbances, the Americans, as a nation, 
have a great respect for the law ; they are indeed too 



178 SUBMISSION TO THE LAW. 

enlightened not to set, themselves, an example of obedi- 
ence to the legal authorities of their country. They 
know full well, that the minor laws being once infringed 
ujDon, the general government is in danger. They un- 
derstand admirably the connection which exists between 
the most subordinate authority of the country, and the 
highest administrative functions. In America it is the 
common interest of all, which requires submission to the 
law ; for it is the majority who are offended, when an 
insult is offered to the government. 

The people must naturally be a more jealous sovereign 
than a king protected by his crown : they have no power 
to pardon offences against their majesty, and if they had, 
they could not exercise it without danger of destroying 
themselves. Clemency is more frequently a virtue of 
kings, than a characteristic distinction of a nation. It is 
the majority which governs and makes the law in a demo- 
cratic republic, and opposition to it must therefore neces- 
sarily offend the people. No such opposition can, by 
any chance, become popular; because the state of public 
opinion is too well known to leave the majority doubtful. 
If, in America, there were a strong aristocracy, who 
should have the power of making the law for the people, 
— then resistance to it might have a majority in its favor, 
and disobedience be protected by the influence of the 
largest number. No immediate prospect, however, of 
such a state of things exists in the United States ; and 
as long as the majority govern, the majority must be in 
favor of the law, and the minority deprived of the power 
of resisting it. 

There exists but one practice in the United States, 
which seems to be at variance with what I have thus far 
advanced; and yet, upon further consideration, I am al- 
most inclined to consider it as a part of the common law 
of the country. I would refer to the " Lynch law," of 
which the most brilliant accounts are furnished in the 
British papers. The Lynch law of America, it must be 
remembered, is not a child of democracy ; it is of a much 
more ancient and illustrious origin, and occurs already in 
the early history of the colonies. It was begot in those 
happy times, in which religious customs took the place 



LYNCH LAW. 179 

of the law; and in which the ingenuity of the settlers re- 
curred to the simplest means of obtaining the most sum- 
mary justice. It is, in fact, of a patriarchal nature, 
having for its motto the wisdom of Solomon, — "Do not 
spare the rod." The pilgrim fathers, who settled the 
New England States, were a highly religious people — 
with whom the authority of the elders of the Church was 
of more avail, than any positive law of Great Britain, 
which, from its distance, and the manner in which it had 
been abused into an instrument of oppression, had con- 
siderably lost of its force. Their little community was 
more governed by mutual agreement and consent, than 
by any written code, except that to which their ministers 
pointed, as leading the way to salvation. The Bible 
furnished them with precedents of the cheap, easy, and 
salutary correction of flogging; and there was no reason 
why their legislators should have attempted to improve 
upon the wisdom of Moses. 

The custom being once introduced and found expedient, 
was gradually increased in severity as the rigid morals of 
the puritans began to relax ; until, towards the American 
Revolution, when abuses had reached their climax, the 
original method of "tarring and feathering" was substi- 
tuted for the more lenient punishment of the rod. The 
commencement being made with the excisemen in Boston, 
was soon imitated in the other provinces; and being at 
first employed in a patriotic cause, created an universal 
prejudice in its favor. It became a national custom which, 
as far as I remember, was only used in cases more or 
less directly affecting the people. Thus, whenever an 
individual gave a national insult, or did or practised any 
thing which threatened the peace and happiness of the 
people, they recurred to it as a domestic remedy ; but I 
am quite certain not with the intention of opposing the 
regular law. They only resorted to it ad interim, till the 
regular physician could be called in ; and in most cases 
efiected a radical cure, without paying for the attendance 
of the doctor. In this manner the Lynch law was exe- 
cuted on gamblers, disorderly persons, and latterly also 
on a certain species of itinerant ministers, who, a little 
too anxious for the emancipation of the Negroes in the 
Southern States, had betaken themselves to preaching the 



180 PROGRESS OF TEMPERANCE. 

doctrine of revenge., instead of that of the atonement,* and 
thereby forced the good people, to apply the doctrine to 
those, who evinced the most zeal for its propagation. But 
as I have said before, the Lynch law is not, properly 
speaking, an opposition to the established laws of the coun- 
try, or is, at least, not contemplated as such by its adher- 
ants ; but rather as a supplement to them, — a species of 
common law, which is as old as the country, and which, 
whatever may be the notion of "the learned m the law," 
has nevertheless been productive of some of the happiest 
results. I am aware there are different versions of the 
origin of "Lynch ; " but the above will be found to con- 
tain the essence and philosophy of all. 

It remains for me yet to say something of the benevolent 
feelings of Americans, and of the national efforts which 
have been made in the United States for the suppression 
of vice, and ihe progress of virtue, not only in their own 
country, but in every quarter of the world. One of the* 
most prominent of these, consists in the ardor with which 
they have labored for the suppression of intemperance, 
and the astonishing results which they have produced, 
since the commencement of this noble enterprise. The 
origin and progress of their proceedings are too illustrative 
of the American character, and have had too important 
an influence on the efforts of philanthropical societies in 
Europe, not to interest an English reader; and I will 
therefore venture to give a short account of them, taken 
principally from the " Permanent Temperance Docu- 
ments of the American Temperance Society," published 
at Boston, in the year 1835. It will strongly corroborate 
my assertion of the necessity of combining morality with 
religion, or making the latter the practical foundation of 
the former, and the political proceedings of the country 
the regular sequel to both. 

The first public meeting for the suppression of intem- 
perance was called at Boston only as late as the month 
of February, 1824, when the question was proposed, — 

What shall he done to hanish intemperance from the Uni- 
ted States ? 

* Some of these itinerant preachers absolutely called on the negroes 
to disobey the commands of their masters, and to rise in open rebellion, 
to achieve their political freedom. 



IN AMERICA. 181 

After prayer " for Divine guidance," and consultation 
on the subject, the result was a determination to form an 
'^American Temperance Society," whose grand principle 
should be abstinence from strong drink ; and its object, 
" by light and love," to change the habits of the nation 
with regard t*o the use of intoxicating liquors. After sta- 
ting the reasons for their determination, among which 
there was this, that without trying to remove the evil, they 
could not free themselves from the guilt of its effects, they 
resolved unanimously, — 

1st. " That it is expedient that more systematic and 
vigorous efforts be made, by the Christian public, to re- 
strain and prevent the intemperate use of intoxicating 
liquors. 

2d. " That an individual of acknowledged talents, piety, 
industry, and sound judgment should be selected and em- 
ployed as a permanent agent, to spend his time, and use 
his best exertions, for the suppression and prevention of 
the intemperate use of intoxicating liquors." 

A committee was then appointed to prepare a consti- 
tution, and the meeting was adjourned to February 13, 
1826. At that meeting a constitution was presented and 
adopted, the officers chosen, and the resolution agreed to, — 

" That the gentlemen composing this meeting pledge 
themselves to the 'American Society for the Promotion 
of Temperance,' that they will use all their, exertions in 
carrying into effect the benevolent plan of the society." 

On the 12th of March following they met, and, after 
choosing eighty-four additional members from the North- 
ern and Middle States, presented an address to the peo- 
ple, in which they stated that, after deliberate and devout 
attention to the subject, they had resolved, " in the strength 
of the Lord, and with a vieiv to the account lohich they must 
render to Him for the influence they exert in this world,'''' to 
make a vigorous, united and persevering effort to produce 
a change of public sentiment and practice with regard to 
the use of intoxicating liquors ; and, at the same time, 
called upon the wealthy and influential men in the coun- 
try, to assist them in procuring funds for this purpose. 
This call was heartily responded to, at first, by the people 
of New England, and subsequently by every other state 
of the Union. 

16 



182 PROGRESS OF TEMPERANCE 

In January, 1827, the corresponding secretary of the 
society visited Boston, to obtain means for the support of 
a permanent agent. At the first meeting for that purpose, 
though the weather was exceedingly stormy, the amount 
subscribed was 3,500 dollars (700/. sterling ;) at the second, 
1200 (240/. sterling) more; and at the third, 700 (140/.) 
In the adjacent villages 7000 dollars were additionally 
subscribed. 

At the close of the year 1S29, there had already been 
formed and reported more than 1,000 societies, embrac- 
ing more than 100,000 members : more than 50 distil- 
leries had been stopped, more than 400 merchants had 
renounced the traffic, and more than 1,200 drunkards had 
been reformed. So great became the influence of public 
opinion, even on the minds of common sailors, that on 
board the United States sloop of war " Falmouth," sev- 
enty of the men abstained from ardent spirits ; and be- 
tween forty and fifty onboard the " Brandy wine " frigate. 
A later report shows that, out of the whole ship's com- 
pany of that frigate, only IGO men drew their grog, and 
from January 1, 1830, till January 1, 1831, 150 vessels 
had left the port of Boston \^ ithout carrying ardent spirits. 

On the first of May, 1831, the number of temperance 
societies had already increased to 2,200, and that of the 
members to 170,000 ; which gives an addition of 1,200 
societies with 70,000 members in the space of less than 
two years ! From their influence, and the state of public 
opinion, it was computed that 300,000 more had adopted 
the plan of not using strong drinks, or furnishing them 
for the use of others ; 1,000 dibtilleiies had been stopped, 
and the use of brandy or u hiskey excluded from more 
than 100 public houses. 

The next year's report, containing the history of the 
society, and its operations from the commencement, as 
also the reason " why its principles should be extended 
through the world," was stereotyped and distributed 
through all parts of the United States, Canada, New 
Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. It \vas also sent to Mex- 
ico and South America; to England, Ireland, Scotland, 
Denmark, Sweden, Russia, Germany, Malta, Palestine, 
and the Sandwich Islands ; imitating, in this respect, the 
benevolent efforts of the British Bible Society, for the 
Promotion of the Christian faith. 



IN AMERICA. 183 

In 1832 a successful effort was made by the clergy, to 
exclude drunkards from the communion table, and to in- 
troduce the subject of temperance into the sermons to be 
preached on the Sabbath. The appeal of the society in 
favor of these measures, contained in their "Annual Re- 
port," is a singular specimen of American eloquence ; 
from which I cannot refrain to give some valuable ex- 
tracts : — 

" Never was an idea further from the truth, than that 
which represents the Temperance Reformation as only a 
secular concern, affecting principally the body — or con- 
fined in its influence to this world, or to time — to be dis- 
cussed only on the week day, and that as a matter of 
convenience, expediency, or domestic comfort, pecuniary 
profit, or reputation, or respectability. Its principal in- 
fluence, and that which in importance eclipses and swal- 
lows up every other, is upon the soul and for eternity. 
As much as the soul is worth more than the body, as 
much as eternity is longer than time, so much more im- 
portant is its influence on the soul than on the body, and 
with regard to eternity than with regard to time. And 
till its influence on the character, prospects, and destiny 
of the soul for eternity shall be exhibited on the sabbath, 
from the pulpit, by the ministers of Christ, to every dis- 
tiller and traflicer, and user of the drunkard's poison in 
the land, who does not, on account of doing evil, so hate 
the light, as to refuse to come to it, this engine of death 
eternal will not cease to operate, nor this citadel of Satan 
be demolished. Ministers may think that they could not 
be supported without the avails of the distillery, and the 
dram-shop, or the countenance of those who furnish or 
support them ; and churches may think that it is not 
ecclesiastical for them to move, or for their members to 
act on the subject ; and both may hope that other tem- 
perance agents, or societies will do the work, and accom- 
plish the object without their assistance, and that they 
had better say nothing, and do nothing, but mourn in 
secret, and pray — though church members continue to 
carry on the traflic, and cause thousands eternally to die : 
yet it is not so." *' No minister of Christ," says the 
author, "in doing the work of Christ, needs the gains of 
ungodliness; and no church of Christ is strengthened or 



184 PROGRESS OF TEMPERANCE 

sanctified by having rum-makers, and rum-sellers, and 
rum-drinkers for members. None such formed the 
family of the Savior, the company of his apostles, or any 
of that bright constellation, who, in their day, through 
faith and patience, entered in, and took possession of the 
promises. They were men of another sort. They could 
not look up to God and pray, ' Lead us not into tempta- 
tion,' and then go away and tempt their fellow-men to 
ruin, and yet hope for his favor. They felt bound to do 
to others as they would that God should do to them. 
And if they did not strive to use their influence, not to 
corrupt and destroy, but to save others, they knew that 
God would not save them. Nor will he save any, who 
are not in this respect like them. In vain will they plead 
their connection with the Church, in arrest of condemna- 
tion for destroying their fellow-men. And if they con- 
tinue that work of death, and the Church continues to 
hold them within its sacred enclosure, and spread over 
them the protecting banner of the cross, she will be 
judged as accessory, and held responsible for the mighty 
ruin. And when the overflowing scourge shall pass 
through, judgment will begin where, had reformation 
began and continued, it had brought out salvation, at the 
house of God. 

"And whether the rainbow of mercy which has begun 
to appear, shall extend and encircle the world, or earth 
be enveloped in blackness and darkness, now, under 
Christ, hangs on the decision of the Church which he has 
purchased with his own precious blood. Let her mem- 
bers extract from the bounties of his kindness, the mate- 
rial for burning out the consciences of their fellow-men, 
— let them set it on fire, apply it, and make it a business 
to spread it through the community, and the smoke of 
their torment will cover the whole earth, and spread 
through all its dwellings, darkness, lamentation, and 
mourning, and woe. A fire in God's anger will burn 
perpetrators of such wickedness, even to the lowest hell. 
They would keep the jewels from the crown of his Son, 
and ruin the souls for whom he died. 

" And when Ethiopia is rising and stretching out her 
hands, and the isles of the sea are receiving and obeying 
God's laws — when China is struggling to keep off" death 



IN AMERICA. 185 

from her people — Iceland in supplication for deliverance 
is melting, and the whole creation groaneth and travaileth 
in pain — when the Savior, with a voice which pervades 
creation, is proclaiming, Who is on the Lord's side 1 — 
Who?- — and the universe looks with intense gaze to 
witness the result; — and when a single individual, by 
coming out openly and decidedly on the Lord's side, and 
sacrificing, in a single instance, money to duty, may roll 
a wave of salvation on the other side of the globe ; — 
shall professed members of that church which Christ has 
bought with his blood, take part with the enemy of all 
good, and assist in perpetuating his dark and dismal 
reign over souls, to endless ages? — If tiiey do, God will 
write, for the universe to look at, To ivhom they yield 
Hiemselves servants to obey, his servants they are. And the 
Register, in blazing capitals, will be eternal. And though 
men who continue knowingly and habitually to do evil, 
and to hate the light, may, in this world, refuse to come to 
it, and when it approaches them may attempt to flee away, 
— in the future world it will blaze upon them, in one un- 
clouded vision of infinite brightness, and show the hearts 
of all who persevere in wickedness to be more black than 
darkness itself forever." 

In another place the author is still more figurative and 
impressive. Alluding to the sermons to be preached on 
the Sabbath against intemperance, he says, — 

" There is reason to believe that thousands and tens 
of thousands are now impenitent, unbelieving, and on 
their way to second death, who, had it not been for the 
sale of ardent spirits, had been ripening for glory, and 
honor, and immortality, and eternal life ; and that tens 
of thousands more have passed the boundary of hope, 
and are weeping and wailing, who, had it not been for 
this, might have been in heaven. And, in view of such 
things, shall we be told that temperance is only a secular 
concern ? that it afiects only the bodies of men, not their 
souls ; and is a concern which relates to time only, not 
to eternity ? that it ought not to be discussed from the 
pulpit on the Sabbath ? Should Satan cause this to be 
believed, he would perpetuate intemperance to the end 
of the world. Shall the fires which make these poisons 
burn on the Sabbath, and the use of it tend to counteract 
16* 



186 PROGRESS OF TEMPERANCE 

all the merciful designs of Jehovah, in establishing that 
holy day? Shall Jehovah be insulted (!) by the appear- 
ance in the sanctuary of men, who use it on the Sabbath, 
and yet the Sabbath not be occupied by light and love to 
abolish the use of it 1 Shall it cause the word of the 
Lord, even from the pulpit, to fall as upon a rock, instead 
of being as the rain and the snow, that come down from 
heaven and water the earth, and thousands wlio might be 
trees of righteousness in the garden of the Lord, to stand 
like the heath in the desert, not seeing good when good 
comes, and yet the pulpit be dumb 1 or speak only on 
week days, when those who traffic in it have so much to 
do in furnishing the poison, that they have no time, and 
less inclination to hear. 

" If we may not, in this warfare, fight, on the Lord's 
day, when he himself goes forth to the battle, and com- 
mands on the field — if we may not use his weapons, 
forged in heaven, and from the high place of erection 
pour them down thick, heavy, and hot upon the enemy, — 
we may fight till we die, and he will esteem our iron as 
straw, and our brass as rotten wood ; our darts he will 
count as stubble, and laugh at the glittering of our spear. 
Leviathan is not so tamed. There is no coping with him; 
but with Weapons of heavenly temper from the armory 
of Jehovah, on the day when he goes forth, and creation, 
at his command, stands still to witness the conflict. Then 
it is as conscience kindled from above, blazes, and thun- 
ders in the heart of the enemy, that he is consumed by 
the breath of the Almighty, and destroyed by the bright- 
ness of his coming." 

. This specimen of eloquence, which for its strength and 
quaint pathos might rival the Capuchin's sermon in Schil- 
ler's " Wallenstein," or be ascribed to the immortal ge- 
nius of Abraham a Sancta Clai-a, exhibits, in the most 
striking manner, the influence of religion on public mor- 
als, and the fact that the Americans, far from having 
abandoned their puritanical notions of decency and pro- 
priety, are yet able, on important occasions, to bring the 
whole force of religious argument to bear on them ; a 
circumstance which not only insures the continuance of 
their present customs and manners, but, by virtue of 
these, also of their political institutions. 



IN AMERICA. 187 

During the year 1831 there had been added 50,000 
members to the Temperance Society of the State of New 
York alone. In several counties the increase had been 
200 per cent. These societies printed 350,000 circulars, 
and sent them to every family in the state, inviting each 
member, who had come to years of understanding, to ab- 
stain from the use of ardent spirits, and to unite with a 
temperance society. They also printed and sent round 
100,000 " Constitutions for Family Temperance Socie- 
ties," in which the members were to pledge themselves 
not only not to use ardent spirits themselves, but not to 
suffer them to be used in their families, or presented to 
their friends, or to those in their employment, except for 
medical purposes. Those who were, or afterwards were 
to become, heads of families, were to pledge themselves 
to teach their household the principle of entire abstinence, 
and to use their best endeavors to obtain their signatures 
to the Constitution. They were also to agree to place a 
copy of that Constitution in their family Bible, to which 
their children should be often pointed, as containing the 
will of their parents and they were to^engage them ; as 
they revered the memory of their parents, sacredly to re- 
gard those sentiments. 

In that year it was computed that 1,500,000 people in 
the United States abstained from the use of ardent spirits, 
and from the furnishing of it for the use of others : there 
were 4,000 temperance societies, embracing 500,000 
members; 1,500 distilleries had been stopped; 4,000 
merchants had ceased to traffic in spirits, and 4,^00 
drunkards had been reformed. 

Nor were the efforts confined to individuals alone. On 
the 5th of November, 1832, the Adjutant-General issued 
an order prohibiting tlie further issue of ardent spirits to 
the troops of the United States, as a component part of 
their rations, and substituted Slbs. of sugar and 4lbs. of 
coffee for every one hundred rations, as an equivalent for 
the ardent spirit formerly in use ; or, at those posts 
where the troops might prefer it, lOlbs. of rice to every 
one hundred rations, in lieu of eight quarters of beans 
allowed by the then existing regulations. The same or- 
der prohibited also the introduction of ardent spirits into 
any fort, camp, or garrison of the United States, and the 
selling of them by any sutlers to the troops. 



ISS CONGRESSIONAL TEMPERANCE SOCIETY. 

In the month of December following, the committee is- 
sued circulars inviting the people of all states to a nation- 
al convention, to be held in Philadelphia on the 24th day 
of May, 1833. 

In February, 1833, a " Congressional Temperance 
Meeting" was held at the Capitol of Washington, at 
which Mr. Lewis Cass, then secretary of war, presided, 
and where the following remarkable resolution was adopt- 
ed :— 

" Resolved, as the sense of this meeting, that the liber- 
ty and welfare of the nation are intimatehj and indissoluhly 
connected icith the morals and vir-tues of the people ; and 
that, in the enactment of laws for the common benefit, it 
is equally the duty of the legislative body to guard and 
ptreserve the public morals from corruption, as to advance 
the pecuniary interest, or to maintain the civil rights and 
freedom of the community." 

Mr. Felix Grundy, senator from Tennessee, invited 
them not to stop there ; he requested them to have their 
facts and arguments printed and circulated all over the 
country. "Let it be seen," continued he, " by the whole 
American people, that men in high places, men whom 
the people have elevated to represent them in the Con- 
gress of the United States, are the friends, the patrons, 
the active, zealous, and persevering promoters of the 
cause of temperance. Let them see that this blessed 
cause has taken possession of the capitol, and that it will 
hold possession, and, from this elevated spot, this strong- 
hold of liberty, will extend itself over the whole country." 

The American Temperance Society contained in that 
year 2,000,000 of members, out of an aggregate popula- 
tion of about 15,000,000, of which 2,000,^000 are slaves ; 
consequently, every third man in the country was engaged 
in suppressing intemperance. 

On the last Tuesday, 1834, the "American Congress- 
ional Temperance Society " held its anniversary at the 
Capitol, and in that same year the number of societies 
had increased to 7000 ; the same number of merchants 
had ceased to sell ardent spirits ; more than 1000 vessels 
belonging to the United States had sailed without them ; 
and an insurance company in Boston agreed to return five 
per cent, on the premium of every vessel which had beeu 



RELIGIOUS SUSCEPTIBILITY OF AMERICANS. 189 

navigated without grog : 4,500,000 temperance tracts had 
been printed by the *'New York State Temperance So- 
ciety " alone ; and addresses were published, in that same 
year, "to moderate drinkers, and those who furnish spir- 
its to moderate drinkers," to *' ministers of the Gospel of 
every name and in every country," and "to the members 
of the churches of Christ of every denomination through- 
out the world," to invite them to abstain from the use of 
ardent spirits, and to prevent the traffic in them ; and the 
society could finally close its Eighth Annual Report with 
the joyful hope of seeing their labors rewarded, expressed 
in these terms : — 

" Great voices shall be heard in heaven, saying Allelu- 
ia ; for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth. Peace shall 
flow as a river, and righteousness as the waves of the sea. 
Joy and gladness shall swell every heart, and to the Au- 
thor and Finisher of all good shall arise, as a cloud of in- 
cense from the whole earth, thanksgiving and the voice of 
melody." 

From an attentive perusal of this short sketch of the 
history of the American Temperance Society, three im- 
portant convictions will be forced on the mind of the 
reader, viz. that the Americans are yet capable of a 
strong religious excitement ; that morality is, by them, 
considered a national cause ; and that their political lead- 
ers, convinced of the importance of moral and religious 
institutions, are willing to aid in securing and promoting 
their influence. Nor have they been less successful in 
making a political argument of it, to prove that the laws 
authorising men to traffic in ardent spirits, violate the first 
principle of political economy. Their reasoning on the 
subject is plain and impressive, and supported by facts 
well calculated to illustrate the proposition. 

"The wealth of a nation," they argue, "consists of the 
wealth of all the individuals that compose it. The sources 
of wealth are labor, land, and capital. The land is, 
indeed, the product of the two former; but as it may be 
used to increase their value, it is considered, by writers 
on political economy, as one of the original sources of 
national wealth. Whatever lessens either of these, or 
their productiveness when employed upon each other, les- 
sens the wealth of the countr;)^." 



190 POLITICAL ARGUMENTS 

" Capital may be employed in two ways — either to pro- 
duce new capital, or merely to afford gratification, and 
in the production of gratification be consumed without 
replacing its value. The first may be called capital, and 
the last expenditure. These will, of course, bear inverse 
proportions to each other. If the first be large, the sec- 
ond must be small — and vice versa. Without any change 
of the amount of wealth, capital will be increased by the 
lessening of expenditure, and lessened by the increase of 
expenditure. Although the manner of dividing makes no 
difference with the present amount of national wealth, it 
makes a great difference with the future amount, as it 
alters materially the sources which produce it, and the 
means of an equal or increased reproduction. 

"For instance, a man fond of noise, and excited agree- 
ably by the hearing of it, pays a dollar for gunpowder, 
and touches fire to it. He occasions an entire loss of that 
amount of property. Although the powder-maker and 
the merchant may both have received their pay, if it has 
not benefited the man, to him it has been a total loss — and 
if the sale of it was no more profitable than would have 
been the sale of some useful article, it has been an entire 
loss to the community. And if, by the explosion, the man 
is burnt, partially loses his reason, is taken ofl', for a time, 
from business, and confined by sickness to his bed, must 
have nurses, physicians, &:.c., the loss is still increased. 
And if he never recovers fully his health or reason, suf- 
fers in his social affections and moral sensibility, becomes 
less faithful in the education of his children, and they are 
more exposed to temptation and ruin, and he is never 
again as able or willing to be habitually employed in pro- 
ductive labor, — the nation loses a sum equal to the amount 
of all these put together. And if his example leads oth- 
er men to spend, and to sufter in the same way, the loss 
is still further increased; and so on, through all its ef- 
fects. 

"And even though the powder-maker and the merchant 
have made enormous profits, this does not prevent the 
loss to the community, any more than the enormous 
profits of lottery-gamblers, or counterfeiters of the public 
coin prevents loss to the community. Nor does it meet 
the case, to say that the property only changes hands. 



IN FAVOR OF TEMPERANCE. 191 

This is not true. The man who sold the powder made a 
profit of only a part of the money which the other man 
paid for it ; while the latter lost not only the whole, but 
vastly more. The whole of the original cost was only a 
small part of the loss to the original buyer, and to the 
nation. The merchant gained nothing of the time, and 
other numerous expenses, which the buyer lost ; nor does 
he in any way remunerate the community for that loss. 

" Suppose that man, instead of buying the powder, 
had bought a pair of shoes ; and that tlie tanner and 
shoe-maker had gained in this case, what the powder- 
maker and the merchant gained in the other ; and tliat, 
by the use of the shoes, though they were finally worn 
out, the man gained twice as much as he gave for them, 
without any loss of health, or reason, or social affection, 
or moral susceptibility, and without any of the consequent 
evils; — who cannot see that it would have increased his 
wealth, and that of the nation, without injury to any, and 
have promoted the benefit of all ? 

"This illustrates the principle with regard to ardent 
spirits. A man buys a quantity of it, and drinks it ; 
when he would be, as is the case with every man, in all 
respects better without it. It is to him an entire loss. 
The merchant may have made a profit of one quarter of 
the cost, but the buyer loses the whole ; and he loses the 
time employed in obtaining and drinking it. He loses 
also, and th.e community loses, equal to all its deteriorat- 
ing effects u[)on his body and mind, his children and all 
who come under his influence. His land becomes less 
productive ; his capital, produced by his land and labor, 
is diminished ; and thus the means are diminished of 
future reproduction. And by the increase of expendi- 
ture in proportion to the capital, it is still further dimin- 
ished, till to meet the increasingly disproportionate ex- 
. penses, the whole is often taken, and the means of future 
reproduction are entirely exhausted. And, as there is no 
seed to sow, there is, of course, no future harvest. 

"This is but a simple history of what is taking place 
in thousands of cases continually ; and of what is the 
tendency of the traffic in ardent spirit, from beginning to 
end. It lessens the productiveness of land and labor, and 
consequently diminishes the amount of capital ; while, in 



192 LICENSING OF DRAM SHOPS 

proportion, it increases the expenditure, and thus in both 
ways is constantly exhausting the means of future repro- 
duction. And this is its tendency, in all its bearings, in 
proportion to the quantity used, from the man who takes 
only his glass, to the man who takes his quart a day. It 
is a palpable and gross violation of all correct principles 
of political economy; and, from beginning to end, tends 
to diminish all the sources of national wealth. 

"And are not the laws," continue they — alluding to 
the licensing of dram-shops, — "which sanction the sale 
of ardent spirits, horrible laws ? Do they not tend, by 
their whole influence, to render the business respectable, 
to perpetuate it, and permanently to produce such results? 
Results none the less horrible because produced accord- 
ing to law ; and which stamp the law that sanctions the 
business which produces them, with the dark, deep, and 
indelible impress of vice ? " * * What moral right 
have legislators to pass laws which enable men legally to 
injure their fellow-men, to increase their taxes, and ex- 
pose their children to drunkenness and ruin ? * * * 

" But it is said, the licensing of the traffic is a source 
of revenue to the state, and therefore the public good 
requires it. This revenue is much like the woman who 
sold her grain and her rags to purchase whiskey for her 
children. She said it was cheaper to keep them on 
whiskey than on bread; and as it made a market for her 
rags, it was a source of profit — in government language, 
of revenue. Her garments and those of her children 
were soon nearly all rags, and all sold ; when her revenue 
had become such, that she and her children, as a public 
burden, were obliged, by a public tax, to be supported at 
the alms-house." 

They then proceed to prove that in nearly every state 
of the Union, the support of paupers occasioned by the 
traffic in ardent spirits, draws annually sums from the 
public treasury equal to twice and three times the reve- 
nue raised by licensing dram-shops, and conclude their 
argument with reproaching the legislators — "Who build 
prisons, and license men to carry on the trade that fills 
them; erect lunatic asylums, and furnish their tenants; 
build alms-houses, and license pauper-making manufacto- 
ries to fill them ; augment four-fold the public burden, 



LEGISLATION ON TEMPERANCE. 193 

and ten-fold the personal and domestic wretchedness of 
the country. * * * And as to those who say "The 
object of licensing is not to encourage the sale and use 
of spirits, but to restrain and prevent it," there are two 
answers for them. The first is, it does not restrain and 
prevent it. It has been tried effectually for more than 
half a century ; and its fruits have been manifested in the 
living wretchedness, and in the dying agonies of more 
than a million of men. — Notwithstanding all such re- 
straints and preventions, the evil constantly increased, 
till it had well nigh proved our ruin. — The other answer 
is, the licensing of sin is not the way to prevent or restrain 
iti but it is the ivay to sanction and perpetuate it; hy declar- 
ing to the community that if practised legally, it is right ; 
and thus preventing the efficacy of truths and facts in pro- 
ducing the conviction that it is wrong. Let legislators, 
chosen by the people, and respectable in society, license 
any sin, and it tends to shield that sin from public 
odium, and to perpetuate it, by presenting for it a legal 
justification." 

" He that justifieth the wicked, and he that condemn- 
eth the just; even they both are an abomination to the 
Lord." 

The Americans have taken up the cause of temperance 
with an enthusiastic ardor, which entitles them justly to 
the gratitude of mankind. They have, in this single in- 
stance, done more for the suppression of vice throughout 
the world, than the united efforts of a host of princes 
could have accomplished. They have set to the world a 
national example of voluntary submission to the laws of 
morality and of God ; and of the blessings which result 
from it to every condition of society. Their example has 
been imitated in every quarter of the globe, and is every 
where productive of the same happy results. From the 
islands of the South Sea to the centre of civilization in 
Great Britain, their efforts are hailed with cordial appro- 
bation, and promote the cause of humanity. If the 
Americans have borrowed their civilization from Europe, 
they have discharged a part of their debt by teaching her 
the virtue of temperance. 

Nor is this the only instance in which the efforts of 
Americans have promoted the welfare of mankind. The 
example set them by the *' British and Foreign Bible 
17 



194 AMERICAN BIBLE AND OTHER RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES. 

Society" has been nobly imitated in the United States; 
and the American Bible Society possesses now, next to 
the English, the largest funds, and is most instrumental 
in promoting the interests of Christianity. Its aftairs are 
conducted by a president, twenty-one vice-presidents, one 
treasurer, four corresponding secretaries, and thirty-six 
managers. 

The receipts of the society, since its origin in 1816> 
were as follows : — 

1817 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1821 
1822 
1823 
1824 
1825. 
1826 
1827 
1828 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 
]833 
1834 
1835 

Total in 19 years, 
or about 300,000/. sterling. 

The number of Bibles and Testaments, issued from 
the depository of the Society, till 1835, was 1,767,936; 
and that of the year 1835 alone, 123,230. Besides the 
issues from the depository, large sums of money have 
been granted to missionary establishments at Constanti- 
nople, Bombay, Ceylon, Burmah, China, and the Sand- 
wich Islands, to aid the printing and circulating of the 
Scriptures in various pagan tongues into which they have 
been translated. 

" The American Board of Commissioners " is another 
ociety for the promotion of Christianity. The designs 



Dollars. 


Cent 


35,877 


46 


36,564 


30 


53,223 


94 


41,361 


97 


47,009 


20 


40,682 


34 


52,021 


75 


42,416 


95 


49,693 


08 


46,115 


47 


65,192 


88 


75,879 


93 


143,184 


33 


170,067 


55 


125,316 


79 


107,059 


00 


84,935 


48 


86,600 


82 


100,806 


26 


1,404,009 


50 



AMERICAN RIISSIONARIES. 195 

of this society are stated to be '* By disseminating prima- 
rily the Christian religion, and subordinately all kinds of 
useful knowledge ; to improve the social, intellectual, and 
religious condition of heathen and other anti-christian na- 
tions ; and for this purpose to send abroad preachers, phy- 
sicians, male and female school-teachers, mechanics, ag- 
riculturalists, &LC. ; who are employed in preaching the 
Gospel, translating, printing, and putting into the hands 
of the people the Holy Scriptures, religious tracts, school- 
books, &c. ; in teaching and superintending schools, 
training native preachers and schoolmasters, and admin- 
istering medicine to the diseased ; and in teaching the 
mechanic arts and husbandry." A more extensive plan 
of charity was certainly never conceived by human be- 
ings, nor executed with more cheerfulness and persever- 
ance. By this Society the New Testament has been 
translated and printed in the Mahratta, the Armeno-Turk- 
ish and the Hawaiian languages ; and one or more of the 
Gospels in the Cherokee, Choctaw and Seneca. Books, 
portions of the Scriptures, and religious tracts, have been 
printed in seventeen different languages, exclusive of the 
English, viz. Italian, Greek, Armeno-Turkish, Ancient 
Armenian, Arabic, Mahratta, Tamul, Chinese, Hawaiian, 
Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Osage, Seneca, Ojibwa, Ot- 
tawa, and Abernaquois. The Board possesses nine print- 
ing establishments, two type and stereotype foundries, 
and several bookbinders' establishments. The Society- 
employs 102 preachers, (7 of whom are physicians,) 9 
physicians, 9 printers, 30 teachers, and 161 married and 
unmarried females. The number of schools is 474 ; that 
of the pupils, 37,311 ; and the whole number of those who 
have been educated, not less than 80,000! There are al- 
so connected with the Society two seminaries for the ed- 
ucation of native preachers and teachers, with about 250 
students. 

The funds of the Society, which consist entirely of vol- 
untary contributions, and the income from the " Mis- 
sionary Herald," a periodical published by the Society, 
amounted, in 24 years, to about 288,000/. sterling. 

The following table, taken from the " American Alma- 
nac and Repository of Useful Knowledge" of 1836 will show 
the missions, the time when each was commenced, and the 
iiuraber of stations, preachers, &c., connected with each. 



196 



AMERICAN MISSIONARIES. 



■St 

U 


. . . .rHi-( . •na •'-<oin ;-<;;;;;;;;;; 


S 


.ill 


: : : : i-^ : :S| : : :|||gS§ : : :SS2 : 


i 


•s. 






•pi 


::::-:: :-j? ::::<«:::::::::: : 


^ 


o oiGi'^^-^si-V'-<pcit^ninir>r^coa>cooiai<x> — conoir-i 


i 


i 

a 


.-to(NMr^i^(M .-^js*^ •*^m22S'^'^ '' :'^*®"®°° : 


S 


Teach- 
ers, 
Printers, 
Farm- 
ers. 


: : : i"^ : : :"*'"' :'~* i^'^^n .Tj^rHrnotM^-* ; 


?5 


Physi- 
cians 
not or- 
dained. 


I-- ::::-: :^-^ : :<^- : i-^ :::::: :-^ 


en 


it 


r-(l0(NM<Oir5r-(rHt^^C0C0C0^WC0Ort(M'-^01(N '-IMr-l 


s 




r-l(MtN-HT3-Mr-l,H©jai.-(^.-<^lOCOCOi-ieO.-HOjT}<rHrH-^f ; 


^ 


il 
0| 


CK O) OO 00 00 00 OO 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 30 CO 00 OD CO OO 00 CO 00 • 






s 


•■■■.I 

:::::iil::::iv',::::;::|jl 

.i1i!i|.>WII ii 

i«iiS-si||iii||^iillig|||.'i 


3 



HOME MISSIONARY SOCIETY. 197 

It will also be perceived that the funds and usefulness 
■of the Society are on the increase ; 14 new stations hav- fsj 
ing been created since 1830. 

The " American Home Missionary Society " was insti- \^ 
tuted in the city of New York on the 6th of May, 1826. 
The number of its missionaries and agents consisted, in 
1835, of 719 ; and the number of congregations and mis- 
sionary districts, aided by the Society, was 1050. Under 
their ministry about 25,000 individuals had been added to 
the churches of Christ ; from 10,000 to 40,000 children 
were annually instructed in Sabbath Schools ; and in Bi- 5 
ble Classes, from 2,000 to 12,000 of all ages, 

" The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 
Missions " being under the patronage of the Congression- 
al Church of New England, and the Presbyterian and the 
Reformed Dutch Churches of the Middle, Western, and 
Southern States, the Baptists formed another mission- 
ary society, under the name of " The Baptist Gener- 
al Convention of the United States for Foreign Missions." 
The object of the Society is "the propagation of the Gos- 
pel among the heathens, and the promotion of pure Chris- 
tianity in Christendom." The funds received during the 
last year (1835) were 58,520 dollars, 28 cents, or about 
11,704/. sterling. 



I 

1 



17^ 



198 



MISSIONARY STATIONS. 



The Missionary Stations are 



Mission- 
aries. 



Valley Towns, Cherokees, North Carolina - 
Thomas, on Grand River, Michigan - 
Sault de Ste. Marie, near Lake Superior 
Tonawanda, near Niagara, New York - 
Shawanoe, Kansas River, near Missouri 
Delawares, near the junction of the Kansas and Missouri 
Otoes and Omahas, Bellevue, near Great Plate River 
Putawatamies, North of the Missouri - 
Ottawas, South of Shawanoe . - . - 
Creeks near the junction of the Arkansas and Verdigris 
Cherokees, in Flint district, Cherokee comity 
Choctaws, Choctaw agency, on the Arkansas 

Port au Prince, Hayti - 

Paris, France 

Hamburg, Germany - - - - - 
Liberia, Africa ------- 

Maulmein, Burmah 

Rangoon, ditto - - - - - 

Ava, ditto 

Chummerah, ditto 

Newville, ditto 

Tavoy, ditto 

Mergui, ditto , - 

N. Arracan, ditto 

S. Arracan, ditto 

Bankok, Siam 



Total 



72 



Assist- 
ants. 



Eighteen churches are connected with these stations, 
embracing 1400 members ; and about 600 scholars are 
taught in the schools. One printing-press is employ- 
ed in the Indian territory, and four in Burmah, from 
which publications are issued in seven difterent lan- 
guages. 

'^ The Baptist Home Missionary Society" has for its ob- 
ject to preach the Gospel in North America, (comprising 
Upper and Lower Canada.) The receipts of this Society 
during the last year, (1835) were 9000 dollars, or 1800/. 
sterling. 

The Methodist Episcopal Church have also formed a 
missionary society. Its receipts, ending 1835, amounted 



BAPTIST AND EDUCATION SOCIETIES. 199 

to 30,500 dollars, or about 6,100/. sterling. It employed 
14 preachers at Liberia (all colored men), and six school- 
teachers. The number of church members was 204, and 
about 200 children were taught at schools. Including 
other missions, the society had 144 missionaries, 16,430 
members, and 32 teachers, and instructed 940 pupils. 

The Protestant Episcopal Church have also formed a 
" Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society." Its receipts 
in 1834 amounted to 24,007 dollars 97 cents, or about 
5,200/. sterling ; it employed 20 Missionaries in the South- 
ern and Western States, two in Greece, and two in China. 

For the education of young men for the ministry the 
" American Education Society " was established, under 
the superintendence of a president, one vice-president and 
twelve directors. This society offered, first, gratuitous 
assistance to young men ; but finding that this encouraged 
idleness^ they fixed upon a definite sum to be granted to 
beneficiaries, throwing them for support, in some measure, 
on their own resources. In 1820, another method of as- 
sisting them by loans was adopted ; and an obligation 
required of them, to refund one half the amount received. 
This was found to operate so favorably, that since 1826 
an obligation has been required to refund the lohole with 
interest, after a reasonable time subsequent to the bene- 
ficiary's education, and his entrance upon the active du- 
ties of his profession. The notes, however, of foreign 
and domestic missionaries, and of ministers settled over 
feeble churches, may be cancelled at the discretion of the 
Board of Directors. The sum annually furnished is 48 
dollars or 9/. 125. sterling, to academical students, and 75 
dollars or 15/. sterling, to collegiate and theological stu- 
dents. Since its foundation, the society have assisted 
2,258 young men ; of those who received aid from the 
funds of the society, during the year 1835, 200 were con- 
nected with 17 theological seminaries, 538 with 37 col- 
leges, and 302 with academical and public schools ; — mak- 
ing in all 1,040 young men connected with 152 institutions 
of learning. The whole amount refunded by beneficiaries, 
since they have entered on the ministry, is 14,111 dollars 
16 cents, and their earnings, by preaching and school- 
keeping, 132,623 dollars, or 26,524/. sterling. The so- 
ciety publishes a journal, entitled the "American Quar- 
terly Register," 



200 SUNDAY SCHOOL UNION AND TRACT SOCIETIES. 

The American Sunday School Union, after the plan of 
that established in Great Britian by Robert Raikes, is 
entirely under the direction of laymen. No clergyman 
can ever be an officer or manager of the society ; and to 
secure a more perfect concurrence of Christians, the 
agents, missionaries, and other persons employed by the 
society, are selected indiscriminately from different denom- 
inations. Its object is " the establishment and support of 
Sunday schools, and the distribution of the society's pub- 
lications at the lowest prices, or gratuitously, not only in 
America, hid at the various Protestant missionary stations 
on the earth, lohere they are wanted for English readers, as 
well as for the aid of compilers and translators in native 
languages," The reports of this society, up to May, 1835, 
show that there are, or have been connected with it, 
16,000 schools 1 15,000 teachers, and 799,000 pupils. The 
publications cost 1 mill /^er page, (equal to about one-third 
of a farthing.) 

" The American Tract Society " w^hose object it is to 
distribute tracts " for the promotion of morality and re- 
ligion," has received during the ten years of its existence 
the sum of 225,304 dollars 25 cents, or above 45,000Z. 
sterling, with which they have published 754 new pub- 
lications, and distributed altogether 481,990,418 pages. 

The most important feature of " the American Unitarian 
Association" is the establishment, in Boston, of a ministry 
for the moral and spiritual benefit of such of the poor as 
have no place of worship, and no religious instruction. 
The benefits which this ministry confers on the poor, in 
the person of the benevolent and eloquent Rev. Joseph 
Tucker man, are incalculable ; and it is perhaps the most 
charitable institution in that philanthropic city. 

On the whole, it appears that the receipts of the prin- 
cipal benevolent institutions in the United States during 
the year 1835 amounted to 815,302 dollars 23 cents, or 
163,000/. sterling. 

All these societies are formed for the promotion of 
morality, religion, and education ; and impose a tax of 
3s. sterling per annum on every white inhabitant of the 
United States. When to this are added the ordinary 
taxes for the support of common schools, it will be found 
that the Americans pay more for the moral and religious 



BENEVOLENCE OF AMERICANS, 201 

improvement of society, than any other nation, England 
herself, in proportion to her population, not excepted. 
And yet they have been reproached with selfishness ; with 
a sordid attachment to pecuniary gain and profit, and a 
total neglect of the nobler qualities of the mind ! " Mon- 
ey," it has been added, "is the sole talisman of the Amer- 
icans ; " but not a word has been said of the manner in 
which they disburse it. Europeans could see no other 
causes of prosperity in the United States, than the mer- 
cantile habits of their inhabitants, and the immense nat- 
ural resources of the country. But the time will come 
when they will be convinced of their error — when the 
moral progress of America will keep pace with her phy- 
sical development, and her influence on mankind, in gen- 
eral, be^iailed with joyful gratitude. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



AMERICAN INDUSTRY. QUICKNESS OF MOTION. AGRI- 
CULTURE. THE WEST. CHARACTER OF WESTERN SET- 
TLERS. INFLUENCE OF THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS 

ON THE POLITICAL PROSPECTS OF AMERICA. FOREIGN 

SETTLERS. GERMANS- IRISH. REMOVAL OF THE 

INDIANS. AMERICAN SERVANTS. RELATION OF THE 

RICH TO THE POOR, 



There is, probably, no people on earth with whom busi- 
ness constitutes pleasure, and industry amusement, in an 
equal degree with the inhabitants of the United States of 
America. Active occupation is not only the principal 
source of their happiness, and the foundation of their 
national greatness, but they are absolutely wretched with- 
out it, and instead of the " clolce far jiie?ite,^^ know but 
the liorrors of idleness. Business is the very soul of an 
American : he pursues it, not as a means of procuring for 
himself and his family the necessary comforts of life, but 
as the fountain of all human felicity; and shows as much 
enthusiastic ardor in his application to it as any crusader 
ever evinced for the conquest of the Holy Land, or the 
followers of Mohammed for the spreading of the Koran. 

From the earliest hour in the morning till late at night, 
the streets, offices, and warehouses of the large cities are 
thronged by men of all trades and professions, each fol- 
lowing his vocation like a per petuu?7i mobile^ as if he never 
dreamed of cessation from labor, or the possibility of be- 
coming fatigued. If a lounger should happen to be pa- 
rading the street, he would be sure to be justled off the 
side-walk, or to be pushed in every direction, until he keeps 



BUSINESS HABITS OF AMERICANS. 203 

time with the rest. Should he meet a friend, he will only 
talk to him on business : on 'change they will only hear 
him on business ; and if he retire to some house of enter- 
tainment, he will again be entertained with business. 
Wherever he goes, the hum and bustle of business will fol- 
low him ; and when he finally sits down to his dinner, 
hoping there, at least, to find an hour of rest, he will dis- 
cover, to his sorrow, that the Americans treat that as a 
business too, and despatch it in less time than he is able 
to stretch his limbs under the mahogany. In a very few 
minutes, the clang of steel and silver will cease, and he 
will again be left to his solitary reflections, while the rest 
are about their busiriess. In the evenings, if he have no 
friends or acquaintances, none will intrude on his retire- 
ment ; for the people are either at home with their fami- 
lies, or preparing for the busi?iess of the next day. 

Whoever goes to the United States, for the purpose of 
settling there, must resolve, in his mind, to find pleasure 
in business, and business in pleasure, or he will be dis- 
appointed, and wish himself back to the sociable idleness 
of Europe. Nor can any one travel in the United States 
without making a business of it. In vain would he hope 
to proceed at his ease : he must prepare to go at the rate 
of fifteen or twenty miles an hour, or conclude to stay 
quietly at home. He must not expect to stop, except at 
the places fixed upon by the proprietors of the road or 
the steamboat; and if he happen to take a friend by the 
hand an instant after the sign of departure is given, he is 
either left behind, or carried on against his intention, and 
has to inquire after his luggage in another state or terri- 
tory. The habit of posting being unknown, he is obliged 
to travel in company with the large caravans which are 
daily starting from, and arriving at, all the large cities, 
under convoy of a thousand puffing and clanking engines, 
where all thoughts of pleasure are speedily converted into 
sober reflections on the safety of property and persons. 
He must resign the gratification of his own individual 
tastes to the wishes of the majority who are travelling on 
business, and with whom speed is infinitely more impor- 
tant than all that contributes to pleasure ; he must eat, 
drink, sleep, and wake, when they do, and has no other 
remedy for the catalogue of his distresses but the hope of 



204 SETTLING OF THE WEST. 

their speedy termination. Arrived at the period of his 
sufferings he must be cautious how he gives vent to his 
joy, for he must stop quickly if his busy conductor shall 
not hurl him on again on a new journey. 

Neither is this hurry of business confined to the large 
cities, or the method of travelling ; it communicates it- 
self to every village and hamlet, and extends to, and 
penetrates, the western forests. Town and country rival 
with each other in the eagerness of industrious pursuits. 
Machines are invented, new lines of communication 
established, and the depths of the sea explored to afford 
scope for the spirit of enterprise ; and it is as if all 
America were but one gigantic workshop, over the en- 
trance of which there is the blazing inscription " iVo ad- 
mission here, except on business.''^ 

The position of a man of leisure in the United States is 
far from being enviable ; for unless he take delight in 
literary and scientific pursuits, he is not only left with- 
out companions to enjoy his luxuriant ease, l3ut, what is 
worse, he forfeits the respect of his fellow-citizens, who, 
by precept and example, are determined to discounte- 
nance idleness. That the influence of such a system 
must be highly beneficial to the national standard of 
morality, is, of itself, sufiiciently evident, and another 
cause for the comparatively small number of crimes com- 
mitted in the United States, and the general correctness 
of principle which pervades all clssses of society. There 
is more philosophy and morality contained in the admoni- 
tion of Dr. Panglos, " Travaillons notre jarclin,^^ than 
Voltaire intended to put in his mouth ; and this philoso- 
phy the Americans possess by instinct. 

Labor is as essential to their well-being as food and 
raiment to an European. This national characteristic 
of Americans, together with their love of independence, 
is a complete commentary on the history of all their 
settlements, and the progress of manufactures and com- 
merce. Thousands of persons who, as servants, or in 
other inferior walks of life, might be able to provide for 
themselves in the large cities, emigrate to the western 
woods, to procure for themselves a larger field of enter- 
prise and useful occupation. There is no hardship or 
privation incident to the lives of new settlers, which their 



CHARACTER OP WESTERN SETTLERS. 205 

robust and athletic constitutions would not willingly 
suffer, to gratify their insatiable desire after active and 
independent labor : there is no pleasure within the range 
of all a city can afford equal to the proud satisfaction of 
beholding the daily results of their indefatigable exer- 
tions. These phenomena it would be in vain to explain 
by the mere spirit of adventure. There are no gold 
mines in the western states ; no active commerce equal 
to that from which they emigrate; no accumulated wealth 
to allure their covetousness. The riches of the soil can 
only be explored by active labor and a series of harassing 
details, connected with the sacrifice of every convenience 
of life : the commerce of the explored region is to be 
created by new roads and lines of communication, which 
call for new and increased exertion on the part of the 
settlers ; and it is only after a period of many years their 
sturdy industry can hope for an adequate reward of ease 
and prosperity. Such prospects are not apt to allure the 
weak, either in body or mind, and require a determina- 
tion and steadiness of purpose totally incompatible with 
the vague and loose spirit of adventure. 

Neither is there any thing in the character of the 
western people which could give the least foundation to 
such a suspicion. They are a hardy persevering race, 
inured to every toil to which human nature can be sub- 
jected, and always ready to encounter danger and hard- 
ships with a degree of cheerfulness which it is easily 
perceived is the effect of moral courage and conscious- 
ness of power. They are distinguished from the rest of 
the Americans, and, perhaps, the rest of mankind, by 
huge athletic frames of body, a peculiar naivete in their 
manners, and a certain grotesqueness of humor, which, 
as far as I am acquainted, is not to-^J^e found in any 
other part of the United States. Theie amphibious na- 
ture — being obliged to make themselves, at an early 
period of their lives, familiar with the navigation of the 
Avestern rivers — together with the boldness of their dis- 
position, has won for them the characteristic appellation 
of^^JialfJiorse, and half alligator ; '' which, in the lan- 
guage of the western Americans, is full as honorable a 
term as the ^'- preux chevaliers,'''' applied to the chivalry of 
the middle ages; though they prefer the rifle and the 
18 



206 INFLUENCE OF THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS 

somewhat barbarous amusement of " gouging " to the 
more knightly combat with spears and lances. 

It appears, then, that the universal disposition of 
Americans to emigrate to the western wilderness, in 
order to enlarge their dominion over inanimate nature, is 
the actual result of an expansive power, which is inherent 
in them, and which, by continually agitating all classes 
of society, is constantly throwing a large portion of the 
whole population on the extreme confines of the state, in 
order to gain space for its development. Hardly is a 
new state or territory formed, before the same principle 
manifests itself again, and gives rise to a further emigra- 
tion ; and so is it destined to go on until a physical 
barrier must finally obstruct its progress. 

The Americans, who do not pretend to account for this 
principle at all,* are nevertheless aware of its existence^ 
and act and legislate on all occasions as if they w^ere to 
enjoy the benefits of the next century. Money and 
property is accumulated for no other visible purpose than 
being left to the next generation, which is brought up in 
the same industrious habits, in order to leave their 
children a still greater inheritance. The laboring classes 
of Europe, the merchants, and even professional men, are 
striving to obtain a certain competency, with which they 
are always willing to retire : the Americans pursue 
business with unabated vigor till the very hour of death, 
with no other benefits for themselves than the satisfaction 
of having enriched their country and their children. 
Fortunes, which, on the continent of Europe, and even in 
England, would be amply sufficient for an independent 
existence, are in America increased with an assiduity 
which is hardly equalled by the industrious zeal of a poor 
beginner, and the term of "rezii/er" is entirely unknown. 
The luxurious enjoyments which riches alone can pro- 
cure are neither known nor coveted in the United States; 
and the possession of property, far from rendering them 
indolent, seems to be only an additional stimulus to un- 
remitting exertion. 

In this disposition of Americans the attentive peruser 
of history must evidently behold a wise dispensation of 

* Compare the Remarks on American Literature, Chapter IV. 



ON THE GOVERNMENT. 207 

Providence, though it may, for a time, impede the pro- 
gress of refinement and the arts. Without the spirit of 
enterprise and the taste for active labor, the immense 
resources of the country, and the facility with which 
riches are acquired, would become the means of indi- 
vidual and national corruption and the introduction of 
expensive habits, which would not only undermine the 
private morals of the people, but eventually subvert their 
republican government. 

The sudden introduction of European refinements, if 
it were possible to make them universal, would, at this 
period, be the ruin of the American constitution. The 
framers of that noble work, perhaps the proudest achieve- 
ment of the human mind, did not contemplate a state of 
society as it exists in Europe, and could, therefore, with 
safety repose the highest power and trust in the virtue 
and integrity of the people. America was then but thinly 
settled, and her population spread over a wide surface ; 
her inhabitants were distinguished for the simplicity of 
their manners and the high moral rectitude of their 
<5haracter; they were a highly civilized people, though 
they could not have been called refined in the sense in 
which the term is applied in the fashionable circles of 
London and Paris. It was of the utmost importance for 
the safety of the government, which, at that time, was 
only an experiment, that the people should retain their 
simple habits, until age should give strength to the con- 
stitution, and accustomed the people readily to submit to 
the newly-instituted authorities. It was necessary for the 
rulers, as well as the governed, to acquire a routine of 
business, and to establish that mutual confidence in one 
another, without which every free government must soon 
be converted into despotism. 

An habitual obedience to the law was to be created 
without the intercession of force, which, at the beginning 
of a republic, where the rulers and the governed are yet 
itoo nearly on a level with one another, partakes always 
more or less of the character of usurpation, and threatens 
the dissolution of government. This was the case with 
ithe republic of France, and hence its speedy overthrow. 
The habits and morals of a people are the surest guaran- 
tee of the continuance of any government ; they are th© 



208 INFLUENCE OF THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS 

life and essence of its existence, without which the con- 
stitution is but a dead letter. The charter must live in 
the minds of the governed, or it will soon be carried to 
the grave. 

The thinly-scattered population assisted the government 
prodigiously in cooling the passions of the discontented, 
Or in rendering them harmless. Even the multiplicity of 
interests and parties proved an additional security, as it 
weakened the power of the opposition, and prevented 
them from uniting under any one principle, the carrying 
of which might have endangered the safety of the consti- 
tution. Every liberal government must, in the outset, 
depend more on the weakness of the opposition than on its 
own strength, which it is dangerous to increase before 
the rights of the governed have become the common law 
of the country. The history of France furnishes a com- 
plete index to this truth, while a special providence 
seems to have presided over the destinies of America. 
It is with regard to this principle that the western settlers 
are of incalculable advantage to the government ; for not 
only is by their means the population of the Atlantic 
states relieved of its annual increase, but new sources of 
wealth opened to the nation at large, which increase the 
occupation and prosperity of those who remain. Every 
new settlement requires laborers for the construction of 
roads, canals^ &c., to facilitate its communication with 
the Atlantic states, and every new road and canal in- 
creases the commerce of the seaports. 

But it is not the general prosperity of the people — 
though of course this must be counted among its happi- 
est results, — it is their useful occupation^ and the creation 
of new and powerful interests, which are of the greatest 
advantage to the government. Every new colony of set- 
tlers contains within itself a nucleus of republican insti- 
tutions, and revives, in a measure, the history of the first 
settlers. Its relation to the Atlantic states is similar to 
the situation of the early colonies with regard to the 
mother country, and contains the elements of freedom. 
Every society which is thus formed must weaken the fury 
of parties by diminishing the points of contact — while the 
growing power of the western states becomes a salutary 
check on the spreading of certain doctrines, which are 



ON THE GOVERNMENT. 209 

continually importing from Europe, and to the evil influ- 
ence of which the Atlantic states are more particularly 
exposed. 

The western states, from their peculiar position, are 
supposed to develope all the resources and peculiarities 
of democratic governments, without being driven to ex- 
cesses by the opposition of contrary principles. Their 
number too augments the intensity of republican life by 
increasing the number of rallying points, without which 
the principle of liberty would be too much weakened by 
expansion. It is a peculiarly happy feature of the con- 
stitution of the United States, that every state has itself 
an independent government, and becomes thus the repos- 
itory of its own liberties. 

The inhabitant of Arkansas, lUinois, or Indiana, living 
on the confines of the state, and the very skirts of civili- 
zation, would, in all probability, be less of a patriot if his 
attachm_ent to the country were only to be measured by 
his adherence to the general government. He would be 
too remote from the centre of action to feel its immedi- 
ate influence, and not sufiiciently affected by the political 
proceedings of the state to consider them paramount to 
the local interests of his neighborhood. Political life 
would grow fainter in proportion to its remoteness from 
the seat of legislation, and the energies of the people, in- 
stead of being roused by the necessity of action, would 
degenerate into a passive acknowledgment of the protec- 
tion offered by the government. This is more or less the 
case in every country, except England and America, and 
perhaps the principal reason of their little progress in 
freedom. Hence the feverish excitement in their capi- 
tals and large towns, and the comparative inertness and 
palsy of the country. 

Every town and village in America has its peculiar re- 
publican government, based on the principle of election, 
and is, within its own sphere, as free and independent as 
a sovereign state. On this broad basis rests the whole 
edifice of American liberty. Freedom takes its root at 
home, in the native village or town of an American. The 
county, representing the aggregate of the towns and vil- 
lages, is but an enlargement of the same principle : the 
state itself represents the different counties ; and the con- 
, 18* 



210 POLITICAL ADVANTAGES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 

gress of the United States represents the different states. 
In every place, in every walk of life, an American finds 
some rallying point or centre of political attachment. 
His sympathies are first enlisted by the government of his 
native village ; then, by that of the county ; then, by the 
state itself; and finally, by thatof the Union. If he is 
ambitious, he is obliged to make an humble beginning at 
home, and figure in his native town or county ; thence he 
is promoted to the dignity of representative or senator of 
his state ; and it is only after he has held these prepara- 
tory stations that he can hope to enjoy the honor of rep- 
resentative or senator in the congress of the nation. Thus 
the county i'^ the preparatory school for the politician of 
the state, and the state furnishes him with a proper intro- 
duction to national politics. 

The advantages of this system are manifold. It creates 
political action where otherwise all would be passiveness 
and stupor; it begets attachment to the institutions of the 
country by multiplying the objects of their political affec- 
tion, and bringing them within the sphere of every indi- 
vidual ; it cools the passions of political parties, by ofter- 
ing them frequent opportunities of spending themselves 
on various subjects, and in various directions; it estab- 
lishes a strong-hold of liberty in every village and town, 
and accustoms all classes of society to a republican gov- 
ernment ; it enforces submission to laws and institutions 
which arc the type of those of the nation ; and it furnish- 
es numerous schools for young politicians, obliging them 
to remain siilficiently long in each not to enter the univer- 
sity of congress without age and proper experience. This 
system, while it lasts — and there are no symptoms of its 
being speedily abolished — will prevent novices in politics 
from entering the senate or house of representatives of 
the Unite ''".tes, and reserve the dignity of president 
for the wibiiom of sexagenarians. In France, where no 
similar freedom and independence exist in the provinces, 
where the "^-r jm of centralization is constantly forcing 
the whole political power into the capital and a few of the 
large towns, leaving the country without life, motion, or 
means of defence, all attempts to establish a rational sys- 
tem of liberty were confined to its superstructure, with- 
out enlarging its foundation. The most awful lessons of 



INFLUENCE OF THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS. ^11 

history have been taught to her people in vain ; and it 
seems as if they were the only nation who never profit 
by experience. 

The western states of America are each a nursery of 
freedom : every new settlement is already a republic in 
emhrijo. They extend political life in every direction, and 
establish so many new fortified points, that the principle 
of liberty has nothing to dread from a partial invasion of 
its territory. 

Every new state, therefore, is a fresh guarantee for the 
continuance of the American constitution, and directs 
the attention of the people to new sources of happiness 
and wealth. It increases the interest of all in upholding 
the general government, and makes individual success 
dependent on national prosperity. But every year which 
is added to its existence increases its strength and cohe- 
sion, by reducing obedience to a habit, and adding to the 
respect which is due to age. If it be true that the life of 
nations and political institutions resembles that of individ- 
uals, it is equally true, that the different periods of their 
development are exposed to the same dangers. One third 
of all that are born die in childhood ; the greater number 
of them are healthy during the period of their manhood, 
and all must eventually die of old age. Climate and soil 
breed particular diseases, which must be cured according 
to their peculiar constitutions; but of these, fevers and 
consumptions are the most dreaded. Violent cures are 
apt to weaken the system, but are often rendered unavoid- 
able by a criminal delay of the proper remedies ; and a 
total neglect of them is sure to produce an incurable dis- 
temper. A child is exposed to more diseases than a man ; 
and so is it with a young country. America is fast ap- 
proachino; her period of pupillarity, and the constitution 
of a century will be established on a firmer basis than 
that of a dozen years. The people will have experienced 
its blessings, and cherish it as the venerable inheritance 
of their fathers. Each succeeding generation will be 
born with an increased respect for it, and will be taught, 
at school, to consider it as the basis of their happiness. 
Age always commands reverence ; and the people are not 
so easily persuaded to lend their aid in the destruction 
of a government under which they have prospered for 



212 FOREIGN SETTLERS. 

centuries, than of one within their own recollection and 
of their own making, which they may hope to rebuild on 
a new plan. We quit reluctantly an old mansion, though 
a new and better one should be offered to our habitation ; 
and the force of habit and the endearment of time are 
stronger than the force of principles or the power of ar- 
gument. I think that the Americans have, spontaneous- 
ly, found the right track; and that no better admonition 
can be given to the young republic than the wise saying 
of Dr. Panglos, which can never be too often repeated, 
" Que chacun travaille son jar din.' ^ 

But the western territory of America is not wholly 
peopled by emigrants from the Atlantic states ; a large 
number of the inhabitants being settlers from Switzerland 
and Germany. The Irish, though emigrating to the 
United States in large numbers, prefer, generally, a resi- 
dence in a city, with such transient occupation as they 
may find, to the quiet industry of the Germans, who are 
more particularly attached to the cultivation of the soil. 
The advantages of the German cultivators in the United 
States over all other competitors are, indeed, numerous ; 
but most of them arise from the manner in which they 
emigrate, and settle in the various districts. 

Whoever has witnessed the parting of a caravan of 
Germans from their friends and relations, or their pro- 
ceeding on the way until they reach the seaport of their 
destination, will be convinced of their resolute determi- 
nation to make America their home, and to assist each 
other in their new vocation of settlers. This I consider 
the principal reason of their success. Having no longer 
an alternative before them, they apply themselves to the 
cultivation of the soil, not as adventurers for the sake of 
experiment, but as farmers, who mean to keep possession 
of it. They prefer the western states for their settlements, 
and, being in this manner at once cut off from an uninter- 
rupted correspondence with the country which gave them 
birth, son learn to make themselves a home in America. 
They direct their undivided energies towards improving 
their estates, instead of lingering in a state of indecision 
with their eyes half turned towards their native land. 
The habit of remaining together, and settling whole town- 
ships or villages, serves to render their exile less painful, 



f GERMAN SETTLEUS. 213 

and enables them, if the phrase be permitted, to transfer 
a part of their own country to the vast solitudes of the 
new world. They hardly feel that they are strangers in 
the land of their adoption, as long as each of them sees 
in his neighbor the friend of his youth, or the companion 
of his childhood, A man cannot be said to have left his 
home if he be not separated from his nearest relations, 
or from those who are most dear to his heart. In this 
manner the German emigrants in the United States pre- 
serve, to a great degree, their original simplicity of man- 
ners ; and, being frugal by habit, and sociable by rtature, 
are soon able to rear their little hamlets by mutual assist- 
ance, and to give stability and permanency to their set- 
tlements. Being not much given to money speculations, 
their care is less to hoard riches than to improve and in- 
crease their estates, and, by that means, they hardly ever 
fail to become independent and opulent. They are less 
enterprising than the native Americans, especially the 
^e\Y Englanders, on which account they are often con- 
sidered dull and inactive ; but they yield to no part of the 
population of the United States in unremitting labor and 
persevering industry. There are few of them grow rich 
by sudden turns of good luck ; but it is a comparatively 
rare case to see any of them behindhand in the manage- 
ment of their household; and, preferring, from inclina- 
tion, agriculture to commerce, they are less exposed to 
the caprices of fortune, and more certain of ultimate suc- 
cess. They are universally allowed to possess the finest 
farms in the United States , because it is their settled 
maxim not to hold more land than they are able to culti- 
vate, and to keep it for their own use, and not for the pur- 
pose of speculation. The dwelling of a German farmer 
is generally humble ; but his granary and stables are of 
huge dimensions, and exhibit the provident husbandman. 
The improvement of his farm is with him a more urgent 
consideration than his own individual comfort. His cat- 
tle are the object of much solicitude, and his labor is the 
more productive as it is seconded by every member of his 
family. 

It is a fact no less curious than remarkable, that these 
characteristics of German farmers apply to all of them, 
in whatever part of the country they may have formed 



314 PECULIARITIES OF 

their settlements ; and that there is, in this respect, no 
difference between a settler in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illi- 
nois, or the valley of the Mississippi. Neither the soil 
nor the climate seems to change their manners and cus- 
toms. I have seen German settlers in Hjjngary and 
Transylvania resembling those of Pennsylvania, as much 
as one New Englander resembles another; but wherever 
they dwell, and to whatever country they may emigrate, 
I have always known them to be sober, industrious, and 
living on good terms with each other and their neighbors. 
Nor does time change their habits materially. The 
Moravian settlers of Georgia, who went to America 
under the kind auspices of General Oglethorpe, were in 
this respect substantially the same as those who emigrat- 
ed previously to Carolina and Pennsylvania; and the 
description of the latter, given by William Penn, corres- 
ponds yet with those of the present inhabitants of that 
state. 

Until recently, the emigrants from Germany were 
chiefly composed of agriculturists, with an occasional 
admixture of operatives; but the late unfortunate struggle 
for liberty in Germany has, within the last five or six 
years, caused the expatriation of a more intellectual class; 
and, accordingly, settlements have been made in the val- 
ley of the Mississippi and in the state of Illinois, by a 
body of Germans whose education fitted them rather for 
the drawing-room and the closet, than for the hardships 
of cultivating the soil. Yet they have cheerfully embrac- 
ed their new vocation ; and of physicians, lawyers, theo- 
logical and other students, who arrived about three years 
ago in the United States, have become active husbandmen, 
though they were obliged to resign the romantic idea of 
founding a ^^ Netv Germany ^^ in the western territory of 
the United States. Immediately after their arrival they 
established a press and a paper, in which they published 
the history of their little settlement. Extracts from it, 
speaking in highly favorable terms of the climate and 
soil, appeared in nearly all the public prints of Germany ; 
and large numbers of their countrymen are preparing for 
the same destination. 

I ought yet to observe, in this place, that it is absurd to 
settle in America with the intention of hiring the labor 



GERMAN SETTLERS. 215 

of the poor. The price of it is high, and cannot always 
be commanded with money. The Germans especially 
prefer working on a farm, in which they have an interest, 
or the hope of ultimately possessing a part of it — which is 
the surest means of making them eventually independent. 
Proud, in his "History of Pennsylvania," observed 
already the singular circumstance of most of the poor 
laboring classes becoming rich, while men of property, 
commencing with large fortunes and estates, were gradu- 
ally becoming poor ; and alluded to the singular habit of 
some Germans of property, to hire themselves out as 
servants, until they obtain a sufficient knowledge of the 
climate and soil to commence business on their own 
account. 

The quiet temper of the Germans does not allow them 
to take a very active part in politics, though their number 
would be sufficient to form a most powerful party. In 
Pennsylvania they have, nevertheless, acquired great in- 
fluence, and the governors of that state have, for many 
years past, been selected from amongst their countrymen. 
This is a matter so much settled by mutual consent, that, 
even at the last election, when there were two democratic 
and one whig candidate for office, all three were taken 
from the ranks of the Germans, and none other would 
have had the least chance of success. In the state of 
Ohio, though it was originally settled by emigrants from 
New England, there are, at present, not less than from 
thirty-five to forty thousand German voters. The state 
of New York, though originally settled by the Dutch, 
contains, nevertheless, a large German population in 
several counties, especially in that of Columbia, which 
gave birth to Mr. Van Buren, the present vice-president, 
and, in all probability, the next president of the United 
States. The state of Maryland contains a large propor- 
tion of German voters; the population of Illinois is 
nearly one third German; and the valley of the Missis- 
sippi is being settled by thousands of new emigrants from 
Europe. I do not think it an exaggeration to state, that 
not less than one hundred thousand votes are annually 
cast by Germans, and that, in less than twenty years, 
their number will have increased to half a million. In 
the city of New York the Germans have already a great 



216 PREJUDICES OF 

influence on the election of mayor and the other city 
officers ; the number of those who are entitled to vote 
amounting now to three thousand five hundred. 

Under these circumstances, " fAe German vote^'' as it is 
termed, becomes a matter of great soUcitude with politi- 
cians of all ranks and persuasions; and, accordingly, 
newspapers in their own language are established in all 
parts of the United States where they have settled. In 
Pennsylvania alone there are now more than thirty Ger- 
man (mostly weekly) papers ; and in Ohio and Illinois, as 
many more are published and circulated, A considerable 
number of them is also published in Maryland ; and the 
"New York Staatszeitung" was entirely established by 
the democratic Germans of that city. If these papers 
were ablj directed by a standard publication in any of 
the large cities, whose editor should understand the pecu- 
liarities of the German mind, the local circumstances of 
their settlements, and their relation to the general gov- 
ernment, they could be made a most powerful political 
engine, which would give strength and perpetuity to any 
party in whose favor it should once declare itself. 

But the Germans in the United States have, to this 
day, no powerful political organ to express their opinions 
and sentiments; and their policy, therefore, is but a reflec- 
tion from the ruling doctrines of the other states : they 
are unconscious of their power, and more bent on in- 
creasing their numbers, than on concentrating their 
eftorts, and directing them to a certain point. The Ger- 
mans in America are not so easily excited as their brethren 
to the south or north, and are consequently often indif- 
ferent on a variety of minor questions, the connection of 
which with the more important principles of government, 
seems to escape their immediate notice. In this man- 
ner they are often defeated in their own ranks, and, 
contrary to their intentions and purposes, made the tool 
of insidious politicians. But no sooner is an important 
question of state agitated, than they unite again ; and, 
despite of all efforts to disseminate discord by appealing 
to their prejudices and local interests, — an appeal which 
is hardly ever made in vain to the inhabitants of any 
other section of the country, — persevere in supporting the 
men and principles of their adoption. 



GERMAN SETTLERS. 217 

They are not apt to speculate on politics, but rather 
act in accordance with general maxims, which are as 
liberal as possible, and of which they never question the 
utility, provided they agree with their ideas of moral and 
political justice. They seldom enter on details, but 
never desert a principle ; and are, therefore, least actuat- 
ed by motives of interest and selfishness. Their practical 
sense is republican ; and, as I have previously observed, 
they are democratic almost by instinct.* But the time 
may come when they will be conscious of their power ; 
and they will then form a party, the strength and impor- 
tance of which will, in all probability, be beyond the 
computation of mere abstract politicians. 

For the education of youth, the Germans in Pennsyl- 
vania and Ohio have as yet done little, when compared 
with the efforts of the New England states for the gene- 
ral difiiisioii of learning. In 1833 there were yet a large 
number of children in both states who could neither read 
nor write, and, although improvements are gradually 
making in the system of instruction, it is not to be ex- 
pected, that, in this respect, an equality will soon be 
effected with the other states. t The reminiscences of the 
Germans in the United States of their former situation in 
Europe are not calculated to inspire the humbler classes 
with a particular regard for the sciences. They were 
oppressed by men of literary pretensions at home; and 
the unusual number of feed clerks with whom the king- 
dom of Wurtemberg (which furnishes the greatest num- 
ber of emigrants) was yet, a few years ago, infested as 
with a plague, struck the peasantry of that country with 
horror for every thing which, in their provincial dialect, 
they called a " scAreiier/e " (little scribbler.) I remember 
some years ago, when travelling in Pennsylvania, to have 
asked a German at Easton, (a town situated about sixty 
miles from Philadelphia,) whether he would not be glad 
to see a college established in his place, | which would 

* I have given the reason of this in chapter III. 

t What I have here said of the state of education in Ohio, applies 
merely to its German population. The New England settlers have 
excellent schools and semmaries of learning. 

t Lafayette College has since been established in Easton, even by 
the co-operations of some well-informed Germans of that place. 
19 



218 GERMAN PREJUDICES 

afford his children an opportunity of superior instruction ? 
He merely shrugged his shoulders, and observed, that his 
soJis should not go to it, as he intended them for active farm- 
ers, and not for lazy thieves, to live on other people's indus- 
try. Not even the prospect of realizing a larger income 
from his estate by the influx of students from Philadel- 
phia and New York could quiet his apprehensions of the 
abuse of learning; and the idea that any of his children 
should quit the paternal estate in order to study a profes- 
sion, which would change their simple manners into the 
more fashionable carriage of gentlemen, proved a perfect 
torture to his mind. There is so much philosophy and good 
sense in this species of ignorance that one might almost 
call it ingenious, though it contrasts sadly with the habits 
of the more aspiring population of the eastern states, 
who are never satisfied unless their sons are called doc- 
tors or lawyers. 

The profession of the law is rarely embraced by Ger- 
mans ; and, accordingly, most of the gentlemen of the 
bar, in the German settlements of the United States, are 
either from New England or Ireland. The idea of going 
to law strikes a German as something wrong and debas- 
ing, and in case he is obliged to have recourse to it, he 
prefers to hire some one to do it for him. This is a sen- 
timent which pervades, not only the German population 
of America, but also a considerable portion of the people 
of Germany itself The profession of the law, to which 
that of politics is so closely aUied, is, by German writers 
of eminence, in the most uncharitable manner, called a 
prostitute amongst the sciences ; because it is the only one 
which, instead of proposing the investigation of absolute 
truth, renders the noblest powers of the mind subservient 
to mere temporal benefits, which are often incompatible 
with honor or justice. The theologian, the mathemati- 
cian, the physician, &c., are all paid for the investigation 
and assertion of positive truth, or, at least, of what they 
consider as such. The lawyer alone is knowingly feed 
for its perversion. So privileged is he in his calling, that 
we can hear him plead the cause of a notorious culprit, 
or see him employ the best fjiculties of his understanding 
to prove the correctness of that which he hardly credits 
himself, without being prejudiced against his character. 



AGAINST LAWYERS. 219 

But the prostitution of the mind is more abject than that 
of the body, and just in that ratio more humiliating and 
degrading as mind is superior to matter. 

Reason becomes madness ; benefit a curse ; 
Alas ! that thou should'st be an heir ! 
That right which has been born with thee, 
That right alone they know not* 

Nothing can be further from me than the belief that 
tlie practice of the law must necessarily be attended by 
such moral disadvantages ; but it is certainly liable to very 
great abuses. How often is not lawful right opposed to 
moral Justice, and the advocate, through whose instru- 
mentality the former is asserted, compelled to offend 
against the latter ? In how many cases does not the issue 
of a litigation depend on mere forms ? — on the omission 
of a word, or the want of precision of language, in a le- 
gal instrument? And is not the advocate obliged to take 
advantage of all such circumstances ? It is true he does 
not appear in his own cause, but merely represents his 
client. He only says that for his client which the latter 
himself would say if he were endowed with legal knowl- 
edge. But this does not rid the profession of the re- 
proach to which it is unfortunately exposed; because, 
when the client is a knavc^ the superior skill of the ad- 
vocate is employed in perfecting his craft, and in injur- 
ing his honest adversary. 

Neither can the advocate previously examine the cause 
of his client, to satisfy himself of the truth or justice of 
the cause : he has not even a right to do so ; for this 
would be constituting himself jwd^e of the case, and give 
rise to the still greater abuse of turning away clients 
which are poor, or whose adversaries are rich and power- 
ful. He is, in fact, obliged to take up the case as it is 
stated to liim, or as it appears on trial ; and it is but the 
verdict of the jury which informs him of its legal justice. 
He is compelled to start from premises, the correctness 
of which it is neither in his power or his duty to ascer- 

* " Vernunft wird Unsinn, Wohlthat, Plage 5 
Weh dir, dass du ein Enkel bist ! 
Vom Rechte, dass mit dir geboren ist, 

Von dera ist leider, nie die Frage." — Gothe's Faust. 



220 IRISH SETTLERS. 

tain or examine, and is, therefore, in the exercise of his 
profession, less concerned in the investigation of absolute 
truth than men of science in every other department. 

The imperfection, however, does not properly exist in 
the advocates, but in the law itself The laws of nature 
and of God are immutable, and in perfect harmony with 
each other in their most remote consequences. Those of 
men are the product of a finite intelligence, and are, 
therefore, subject to frequent changes, and liable to disa- 
gree with each other. They are enacted for specific pur- 
poses, not always corresponding with the universal laws 
of the world, but protecting the peculiar interests of hu- 
man institution : they are adapted to circumstances, and 
to the state of society in each country ; not to the abstract 
properties of humanity, and are, therefore, often favor- 
ing peculiar trades and professions, at the expense of phi- 
losophical justice. Thus, the laws against forgeries, and 
other crimes against property, are established for the pro- 
tection of credit; military and naval laws for the main- 
tenance of discipline, &c. In all these cases the legis- 
lators consider, principally, the immediate advantages, 
and not the moral consequences of the law ; their object 
is to secure a direct and positive benefit, though in so do- 
ing they may infringe on the natural rights of individuals. 
One principle is often sacrificed to another — as the minor 
interests must yield to the community at large, and the 
prosperity and happiness of individuals to the national 
progress of the commonwealth. 

It is this peculiar property of jurisprudence which dis- 
tinguishes it from every other science, and tinges, in the 
opinion of many, even the moral and intellectual charac- 
ter of advocates. Besides, the profession of the law is, 
more frequently than any other, embraced for its worldly 
advantages ; and Archimedes' reply to the scholar who 
wished to study mathematics because their application 
had rendered the country some service, applies a fortiori 
to the lawyer: *' He who worships the goddess must not 
woo the woman.^'' 

The Irish are almost diametrically opposite to the Ger- 
mans, in disposition and enterprise. The industry of the 
lower classes consists more in bodily exertion than in its 
direction to any definite purpose. Possessing, naturally, 



IRISH SETTLERS. 221 

great generosity of character, they are satisfied with ac- 
quiring what is necessary for the present, and share even 
this with each other, without prudently heeding the future. 
While they are thus content to be hired in large bodies 
to dig canals or construct railroads, they neglect the more 
useful cultivation of the soil, which would, at once, make 
them independent and respectable. The second genera- 
tion, however, fare much better. Being for the most part 
brought up in the large cities, they have an opportunity 
of benefiting by the superior means of instruction held 
out so liberally in all parts of the United States, and to 
raise themselves, by theirtalents and acquirements, to an 
equality with the most informed and wealthy. Some of 
the most eminent lawyers and statesmen of America are 
of Irish extraction, and General Jackson himself is de- 
scended from an Irish family. They are a warm-hearted, 
patriotic race, who require nothing but the cooling influ- 
ence of a certain number of years' residence in the United 
States, in order to become most useful and peaceable cit- 
izens.* 

Individually, an Irish gentleman is more esteemed than 
a German, and, perhaps, on account of the greater con- 
geniality of thought and learning, a more useful member 
of the American community. But, as a mass, the Ger- 
mans are greatly preferred. They have done more, or at 
least as much, as any class of Americans for the improve- 
ment of the country, and contributed largely, and in the 
most systematic manner, to the development of its inter- 
nal resources. The first American manufactures which 
excited the jealousy of Great Britain were the German 
paper, woollen and linen cloth manufactures of Pennsyl- 
vania ; and to this moment Pennsylvania and Massachu- 
setts are rivalling each other in this species of industry.f 
The mechanic arts are allowed to have made greater pro- 
gress in Philadelphia than in any other city of the United 
States ; but the principal workmen are Germans,| and 

* Compare the Irish character described in the chapter on American 
prejudices. 

t Frond's " History of Pennsylvania " and Graham's " History of 
the United States." 

t Of late, a number of English mechanics have emigrated to the 
United States, and depressed the labor of the Germans. 
19* 



222 IRISH VOTERS. 

many of the first merchants of that city are also descend- 
ed from Germany. Such occupations are not apt to shed 
a particular lustre on the names of individuals ; but they 
characterise the whole body as a highly industrious and 
useful class of g^tciety, which, by its smaller excitability 
and great steadiness of mind, may, at some future time, 
prove a salutary check on the inordinate ambition of a 
faction. 

The political influence of the Irish, which is the sub- 
ject of so much discussion in the United States, as well 
as in England, and to which one of the political parties 
has ascribed all its recent defeats, is, in itself, exceeding- 
ly small, and only felt in some of the large towns on the 
sea-coast. It is a well ascertained fact that a large ma- 
jority of the country, and not of the cities, has voted in 
favor of the present administration and the measures of 
General Jackson ; and that almost all cities, with the ex- 
ception of New York, have declared themselves against 
them. Even the majority in the city of New York did 
not materially influence that of the state, which was suf- 
ficiently great to compensate for a failure in any of the 
large towns. The Irish are not nearly as unanimous in 
their votes as the Germans, and do not hold sufficient 
property in any one state to have an immediate influence 
on the elections. The Germans, on the contrary, consti- 
tute, by themselves, a majority in Pennsylvania, and a 
very respectable and wealthy party in many other states. 
Being for the most part proprietors of the soil, their vote 
is independent, which can hardly be said of the lower 
classes of the Irish, who are mostly employed by the rich 
capitalists. If the Irish, then, have voted for the admin- 
istration, I take it for granted that they have done it from 
principle ; because a view to their immediate interest 
might, perhaps, have dictated an opposite course. Com- 
merce and manufacture, from which the greater number 
of Irish, at least indirectly, draw their subsistence, might 
have invited them to vote ditferently; whilst the farmer 
in the interior is, by his very position more independent 
of the monied institution of the large cities. The Irish, 
were they united to a man, could not have the influence 
and power of the Germans, with whom disposition, habit, 
occupation, and property unite to make them what they 



NEW ENGLAND SETTLERS. 



223 



are, the stoutest democrats of the country. I am far 
from being instigated by any partisan spirit, either in favor 
of or against the Irish or Germans ; neither do I speak 
of the correctness or injustice of their vote ; but merely 
of the credit which is to be attached to it as a moral and 
independent action. 

In the settlements of new districts it is seldom that 
Europeans are found to be actively engaged. This honor 
belongs almost exclusively to emigrants from New Eng- 
land, who may most emphatically be called the pioneers 
of the United States, and to whose enterprising spirit and 
recklessness of danger may be ascribed most of the valu- 
able improvements of the country. They are, however, 
satisfied with tracing the road which the others are to 
follow, and occupying the most important stations : the 
intervals are afterwards filled up with settlers from other 
states and from Europe. The character of the New 
England emigrants has been too well described by Wash- 
ington Irving for me to attempt to add to it more than is 
necessary to understand a certain political type, which 
may be observed in all states to which they have emigra- 
ted in large numbers. The talent of a New Englander 
is universal. He is a good farmer, an excellent school- 
master, a very respectable preacher, a capital lawyer, a 
sagacious physician, an able editor, a thriving mer- 
chant, a shrewd pedlar, and a most industrious trades- 
man. Being thus able to fill all the important posts of 
society, only a few emigrants from New England are 
required to imprint a lasting character on a new state, 
even if their number should be much inferior to that of 
the other settlers. The states of Ohio and Michigan, and 
even a large part of the state of New York, offer striking 
instances of this moral superiority acquired by the people 
of New England ; but it would be wrong thence to con- 
clude that their own habits do not undergo an important 
metamorphosis, or that, in their new relations in the 
western states, they merely act as reformers, without 
being, in turn, influenced by the character of their fellow 
settlers. The change, however, is altogether for the bet- 
ter. Their patriotism, instead of being confined to the 
narrow limits of New England, — a fault with which they 
have been reproached as early as the commencement of 



224 INCREASE OF POPULATION. 

the revolutionary war,* — jjartakes there more of a. na- 
tional character. The continued intercourse with stran- 
gers from all parts of the world, but more particularly 
from the different states of the Union, serve in no small 
deg;ree to eradicate from their minds certain prejudices 
and illiberalities with which they have but too commonly 
been reproached by their brethren of the south. Toler- 
ance, the last and most humane offspring of civilization, 
is, perhaps, the only virtue of which the New Englander 
is usually parsimonious ; but even this seems to improve 
and to thrive in the western states ; and 1 have no hesi- 
tation to say, that, in this respect, the inhabitants of those 
districts are by far more emancipated than those of the 
Atlantic states, w hatever advantages the latter may pos- 
sess with regard to refinement of manners. I know of 
no better specitnen of human character than a New Eng- 
lander transferred to the western states. 

To form a correct idea of the rapid increase of culti- 
vated territory in the western states, it is only necessary 
to cast a glance at the unparalleled increase of popula- 
tion, The state of Pennsylvania, which in 1810 contained 
but 810,091t inhabitants, had in 1830, 1,347,672; in- 
crease, 537,581 : the population of the state of New 
York, which in 1810 was but 413,763, had in 1830 al- 
ready increased to 1,913,508 ; increase, 1,499,745: the 
population of Alabama was less than 10,000, but in 1830 
already C08,997 ; increase 298,997, or nearly 2,990 per 
cent, in twenty years : that of Mississippi, which in 1810 
amounted to 40,352, was in 1830, 136,800; increase in 
twenty years 96,448, equivalent to 2.39 per cent. : Ten- 
nessee contained in 1810 but 261,727 inhabitants, but in 
1830, 684,822; increase 162 per cent, nearly: in Ken- 
tucky the population increased, in the same time, from 
406,511 to 688,844, or by about 70 per cent.: that of 
Ohio advanced, in the space of time, from 230,760 to 
937,637 ; increase more than 300 per cent. : the popula- 
tion of the same state was, in 1790, but 3,000 ; increas^ein 
40 years, 31,154 y^^- per cent.: Indiana contained in 
1810 but 24,520 inhabitants; but in 1830 already 341,- 

■* Botta, " Storia dclla gucrra delV independenza degU Stati Uniti." 
t These numbers arc taken from the census of 1810, 1820, and 1830. 



AMERICAN INDIANS. 225 

582; increase more than 1,293 per cent. : but the popu- 
lation of Indiana consisted in 1800 only of 5,641 ; conse- 
quently the total increase in 30 years, or less than a whole 
generation, is more than 5,955 per cent. Illinois con- 
tained in 1810 only 12,282 inhabitants, which number 
was in 1830 increased to 157,575 ; equal to about 1,183 
per cent. : Missouri had in the same space increased to 
seven times her original population ; that of 1810 being 
19,833, and that of 1830, 140,074. The population of 
the eastern and southern states I have here omitted, be- 
cause, though on the increase, they present nothing so 
striking as the rapid growth of the west. The states of 
Pennsylvania and New York, however, extend far to the 
westward, and thence arises their incredible augmentation 
of population. 

More than nine tenths of all the people who emigrate 
to the west are farmej's ox planters ; and it is consequently 
chiefly the agricultural interest which causes the settling 
of the immense territory of the United States yet open to 
the spirit of enterprise. Commerce and manufacture, it is 
true, follow the path of the new settlers ; but they never 
lead the way to those regions, and are rather accessaries 
than originators of civilization. The continent of Ameri- 
ca might have been visited, like the islands of the South 
Sea, by a thousand enterprising merchants and naviga- 
tors, without being for one moment redeemed from its 
savage state. It is but the actual cultivation of the soil, 
and the indisputable right to property arising from actual 
labor, which lays the foundation of states and empires, as 
it furnishes, perhaps, the only legitimate title to the pos- 
session of a country. 

Let no sensitive European, therefore, complain of the 
barbarous cruelty of the Americans in chasing the Indians 
from the soil of their fathers, or in forcing them to flee 
from the approach of civilization to the unhospitable 
woods of the western territory. The American aborig- 
ine, with but very few exceptions, never possessed the soil 
on which they trod any more than the air which they 
breathed. They never cultivated it to any extent, nor 
had they, individually, any distinct title to it arising from 
actual labor. They held it in common with the beasts of 
the forest, and it was useful to them only as it afforded 



226 AMERICAN INDIANS. 

them {he means of prey. Tlie English had as good a 
riglit to call the ocean their own, hecause they moved on 
it, as the American Indians to claim possession of their 
continent because they roamed in its woods. There was 
barbarity in the conquest of Lima and Mexico, the inhabit- 
ants of wJiich were already in possession of many of the 
arts of peace ; but there can be none in the quiet progress 
of civilization in the United States, except what is pro- 
voked by the Indians themselves, and for wliich they 
alone must remain accountable. The American settler 
takes possession of a soil which has never been cultivated, 
and which, therefore, has had no owner. He builds his 
log-house in a country in which there is room enough for 
the supi)ort of millions, and in which there are hardly a 
few hundred stragglers to follow the track of the deer. 
Is this robbery? Is it cruel to civilize and improve a 
country, and to open a new road to wealth and comfort 
to thousands of intelligent beings from all parts of the 
world, who would otherwise starve or be reduced to pov- 
erty, because in so doing they cannot avoid intruding on 
the favorite hunting-grounds of some wandering tribes, 
and disturb their game 1 This, however, they do; and, 
with the deer, the American aborigines disappear from 
the soil. 

It is in vain to talk of civilizing them. If it could be 
done which is more than doubtful, (considering the many 
unsuccessful attempts which have already been made,) 
liey would hardly be able to compete with their teachers 
in any one human occupation calculated to secure a live- 
lihood in a civilized country, and would, therefore, from 
necessity, become outlaws to society, and incur the pun- 
ishment of the law.* We cannot but regret the fate of 
that doomed people ; but we can hardly think of rescuing 
them from it, without being guilty of the most flagrant 
injustice to the rest of mankind. 

* The state of the Creek and Cherokee Indians furnishes a new 
proof of this assertion. Red Jacket, an Indian chief of great eloquence, 
in his answer to the missionaries, observed that it was very probable 
God had intended the white and the red races for different purposes. 
" To you," he said, " He has given the arts; to these He has forever 
closed our eyes. Why should He not have given j^ou another religion 
alsol — Bed- Jacket's reply to the missionaries, by Thomas Jeferson, 



AMERICAN INDIANS. 227 

The power arising from the actual cultivation of the 
soil and the establishment of fixed habitations in a coun- 
try is so irresistible and unsparing, that it must eventu- 
ally triumph over all obstacles, and resist even the de- 
structive consequences of wars. This is the reason why 
the British colonies in America prospered so rapidly, and 
finally finished by swallowing up Canada. The military 
force of the French settlements was vastly superior to 
that of the English ; their lines of fortification extended 
from the mouth of the Mississippi to the river St. Law- 
rence ; but they had no possession of the intervening 
territory by virtue of actual settlements, and the result 
soon convinced them that where the most property is ac- 
cumulated, there also will be the strongest means of de- 
fence ; on that side, consequently, must eventually incline 
the victory. But if the policy of the Anglo-Americans 
was sufficient to destroy so powerful a rival as the French, 
what can be expected from the unconcerted ill-advised 
resistance or attack of the aborigines, unskilled in milita- 
ry tactics, and not sufficiently strong, on any one point, 
to offer a serious impediment to tlie grasping power of 
the settlers ? 

Neither is it reasonable to suppose that the quitting 
of their favorite hunting-grounds can give the American 
Indians the same pangs which an everlasting farewell to 
the paternal soil, the scene of all early attachments, and 
the habitation of all that we love, fraught with the memo- 
ry and tradition of centuries, can cause to a civilised 
nation. The Indians quit what never was precisely their 
own ; they leave no object of memory or tradition be- 
hind ; and, although the loss may be felt by the tribe^ no 
individual is actually despoiled of his own. But it is the 
feelings of individuals which we must here consider; not 
that of the tribe or nation. A people cannot be said to 
feel the wrongs and pains inflicted upon it by another, 
except in proportion as the sufferings of the whole are 
felt and responded to by individuals. This, however, 
presupposes a degree of moral development, and a pitch 
of national enthusiasm, of which even history is sparing 
in furnishing us with examples, and of which certainly 
but few traces are to be found in the Indian character. 
Let no one mistake the hatred which the colored races 



228 FERTILITY OF THE AMERICAN SOIL. 

bear to the whites, and to each other, for a strong love 
of country and an attachment to their native woods. 
Hatred of others is but a negative and barbarous quahfi- 
cation of nationahty, and is by no means a necessary 
concomitant of its positive virtues. The hatred between 
the different races is something animal and instinctive, 
and is far removed from the noble disinterestedness of 
genuine jiatriotism. Whatever color poetry may lend to 
the removal of the Indians, it is, nevertheless, but the re- 
moval of a sick bed from a place where death is certain, 
to one from which it is more remote. Neither is it the 
death of youth or of manhood, but that of old age and 
decrepitude, which the Indian is doomed to die ; and in 
his mouldering ashes germinates the seed of empires, 
destined to change the face of the world. This is but ap- 
plying the universal law of nature to man : there is no 
life without death to precede it ; no seed without destroy- 
ing the blossom ; no offspring without destruction to its 
genitors. One nation must perish to make room for 
another; and it is the peculiar good fortune of America 
that she can suffer these revolutions to go on without a 
feverish excitement of her vitals, or hurrying the succes- 
sion of events by the horror and bloodshed of war.* 

But the west would not be so rapidly settled if the cul- 
tivation of the soil did not promise a task rewarded with 
comfort and independence. There can hardly be a doubt 
of the fact, that the soil of the valley of the Mississippi is 
the richest and most fertile on earth; and that, producing 
every thing which is necessary to the existence and com- 
fort of man, it is intended to become the habitation of 
hundreds of millions.f Alexander von Humboldt gave 
it as his opinion, that America is the most fertile quarter 
of the world ; and it has since been computed that the 
whole population of Europe could find ample room and 
subsistence on the borders of the Mississippi alone. 
The whole population of the five great continents has 

* What is termed " the Indian war," is nothing but a succession of 
skirmishes with a few of the neighboring tribes ; and is only protracted 
because it is deemed too insignificant to warrant a general armament 
on the part of the United States. The case is very different with the 
French colony of Algiers. 

t Compare De Tocqueville " De la Democratic en Amerique." 



ADVANTAGES OF POSITION. 229 

been estimated at about one thousand millions; but what 
important change may we not expect in the condition of 
the human race, when we know that there exists a con- 
federacy of republics capable of sustaining, with a greater 
degree of ease than was ever before shared by any por- 
tion of the human family, a population»surpassing that of 
the entire globe 1 There is no country or tract of land 
on earth whose physical and geographical position are so 
well adapted to agriculture and commerce as that part of 
the American continent which composes the territory of 
the United States. Like China, America may be said to 
be independent of the rest of the world; inasmuch as 
she is capable of producing, not only what is essential to 
human existence, but also the luxuries inseparable from 
a certain degree of refinement. Her territory embraces 
every climate, from the extreme north to the further- 
most south, and every species of vegetation intended for 
manufacture and commerce. But the faciUty of river 
communication, and the internal navigation of the United 
States, have no equal on earth, and may be considered 
the most durable cement by which the various states are 
united. There is hardly a settlement in the Union which 
has not more or less the means of communicating with 
some market town or city, and, therefore, not only the 
elements of prosperity in its domestic arrangements, but 
also the hope of obtaining the value of its produce, and 
thereby to become rich and independent. What is even 
the situation of China with regard to the commerce of the 
world, compared to that of the United States, when they 
will once be settled and extend from one ocean to the 
other? The largest empire, Russia, would require the 
Swedish peninsula, in order to hold a position at all to be 
compared to it ; and even then, the extent of intervening 
country, the difficulty of communication, and the extreme 
northern latitude of her possessions, would deprive her of 
its principal advantages. A single glance at the map of 
the United States, and a slight acquaintance with the 
people who inhabit them, are sufficient to convince even 
the stoutest unbeliever that America is destined to become 
the first in agriculture, the first in commerce, and the 
first in manufacture of all countries in the world. It 
will touch the extreme east and west of the remaining 
20 



530 EMIGRATION TO AMERICA. 

continents, and possess equal facilities of trade with the 
East and West Indies. It must become the centre of 
civilization ; and, from its equal proximity to both Asia 
and Europe, exercise a most powerful political influence 
on all nations of the globe. Europeans learn with aston- 
ishment the rapid progress of civilization and power in 
America; but all she has done to this moment is but a 
feeble prelude to the gigantic part which she is destined 
to perform in the universal drama of the world. 

Already a most uncommon spectacle presents itself. 
Emigration to America is no longer confined to those 
parts of Europe which are over-peopled, (Wurtemberg 
and Ireland,) but comm unicates itself also to the less 
populated parts of Germany and France. Large num- 
bers of the inhabitants of Old Bavaria and of the French 
province of Alsace are annually wandering to the United 
States ; and so inviting are the letters of those who are 
already settled, to their friends and relations in Europe, 
that some of the German governments have already been 
obliged to make provisions to arrest the depopulation of 
their country by law, and to enjoin the civil and military 
authorities to use their utmost influence to prevent emi- 
gration in the future. Neither is it only the lower and 
destitute classes who are daily embarking for the United 
States. On the contrary, the obstacles thrown in their 
way are such that only those who have property are able 
to receive their passports. There is now a law in Wur- 
temberg which obliges every subject, desirous of emigrat- 
ing to America, to deposite the sum of 300 florins (640 
francs) with the civil authorities of Stutgard, which sum 
is only remitted to him at the seaport of his embarkation. 
Thus every German emigrant, from that part of the 
country, must not only be able to provide for his journey 
to the seaport, but must also have a sum of 640 francs to 
spare, which is sufficient lo pay his passage, and leave& 
him, on his arrival in America, with sufficient funds to 
proceed to the west. Much, indeed, has been said in 
America on the subject of foreign paupers ; though it 
would be easy to prove, by the registers of emigration in 
Germany, that the emigrants from that country pay an- 
nually more than two hundred thousand dollars for their 
passage, independent of the money and goods which they 
carry to the United States. 



ADVICE TO EMIGRANTS. 231 

And now, be the merits of this work what they may, I 
still flatter myself with the hope of seeing it translated 
into German ; and as it will probably be read by many 
who will feel disposed to change the old for the new world, 
I will say a few words to these emigrants, equally applica- 
ble to those from other countries. 

Let no one go to America merely on speculation ; but 
at once with the resolute determination of making it his 
home. Let him not expect to lead a life of comparative 
idleness ; but, on the contrary, one of hard work and 
persevering industry, if he wishes to realise the fruits of 
his labor, and to become independent of the assistance 
of others. Let him remember that he is going to settle 
amongst the most industrious people on earth, whose con- 
stitution and government protect him, it is true, in the 
unmolested posession of property ; but that he himself 
must be the principal artificer of his fortune ; and that 
nothing hut personal exertion will ensure his ultimate suc- 
cess. Let him come unencumbered with farming utensils, 
machines, &-c., which will only increase the expenses of 
his journey, without being of any real use in practice. 
Most of them he will be able to buy, in the United States, 
not only cheaper and of better quality, but also better 
adapted to the general use in the country. Many emi- 
grants are in a habit of bringing ploughs, waggons, &c. 
to America, without reflecting, for one moment, that the 
expenses of transportation amount to more than their 
actual value ; and that it is more than probable that these 
implements may prove entirely useless or unmanageable 
in a different soil or on a difl^erent road.* Again, let 
them abstain from all mercantile speculations, of which 
they often know Httle or nothing, and which can never 
succeed, unless they are thoroughly acquainted with the 
state of the market. Let them remember, that, once out 
of money, they must sell their merchandise for what they 
will bring, not for what they are worth ; that commerce 
requires capital and credit, and that without them they 
must necessarily become the tool of every trader and 
pedlar whom they may meet on their way. 

* This is, to my knowledge, the case with several European farming 
Wtensils. 



232 ADVICE TO EMIGRANTS. 

On their arrival in the United States let them not re- 
main too long in the Atlantic cities. Every day they 
stay there without occupation, is lost to their enterprise, 
and diminishes their funds. Let them rather begin humbly 
in the country, by working on farms, than become servants 
in the towns, or commence business immediately on their 
own account. If there are several members of a family, 
let only those remain in the cities who have learned a 
particular trade, or who may expect immediate employ- 
ment: but it is far better for a whole family to move at 
once to the west, where they may find occupation much 
more suitable to their habits than they can hope to find 
on the sea-coast, where a too sudden transition from rural 
life to the refinement of the towns may prove destructive 
to their morals. Let them bear in mind, that in the 
cities, though individuals may prosper, they will hardly 
be able to raise themselves to an equality with the native 
inhabitants; whereas in the country, and especially on 
new land, they must, by persevering industry, become as 
respectable and powerful as the rest of their fellow-citi- 
zens. In the country they will enjoy an hundred indul- 
gences of which they must necessarily be deprived in the 
cities. They will there be allowed to follow their own 
inclinations and habits, which they must never expect in 
a large city, in which they must necessarily conform to 
the manners and customs of the majority. 

Let them, above all things, abstain from politics, before 
they have had time to study the institutions of the coun- 
try, and to know the government under which they are 
going to live. A too hasty adoption of principles, before 
they have thoroughly weighed them, may be fatal to their 
own influence, and interfere with their prospects in life. 
It is the duty of every European settler to make himself 
acquainted with American laws and manners, in order 
to judge for himself to what party he is to lend his sup- 
port. The Germans especially ought to show more zeal 
in acquiring the English language, without which it is 
impossible to understand the true meaning of a thousand 
things with which it is important they should be rendered 
familiar. The American papers contain infinitely more 
information than any of the German ones I have seen ; 
which, with but few exceptions, contain nothing but 



AMERICAN SYSTEM OF FARMING. 233 

mutilated extracts from the daily American press, in a 
language of which it is difficult to say whether it is less 
German or English. 

I have said before, that in order to succeed in any one 
undertaking, but especially in farming, it is necessary 
that the proprietor should work himself, and not merely 
be an idle spectator or employer of the labor of others. 
I will now add, that without personal exertion on his part, 
he will not only be unable Xo advance, but absolutely fail 
and be ruined. America, (thanks to her institutions and 
the infinite resources of the soil,) is not yet a country for 
a gentleman farmer; a circumstance which has been 
much regretted by Mr. Hamilton, but which is the cause 
of much rejoicing to every unbiassed and intelligent in- 
habitant of the United States. An American prefers cul- 
tivating the smallest patch of his own, to working on the 
largest farm of his neighbor, and rather emigrates further 
to the west, than consent to become, in any manner or 
degree, dependent on his fellow-beings. The Germans 
who are found willing to hire themselves out on an estate 
are seldom content to serve for wages, but wish to be paid 
in land or produce, and become thus partners, instead of 
servants to their employers. 

"But America," says Mr. Hamilton, "is not the place 
for a gentleman farmer. The price of labor is high, and, 
besides, it cannot always be commanded at any price. 
The condition of society is not yet ripe for farming on a 
great scale. (!) There will probably be no American 
Mr. Coke for some centuries to come. The Transatlan- 
tic Sir John Sinclairs are yet in ovo, and a long period 
of incubation must intervene before we can expect them 
to crack the shell." What a beautiful metaphor ! It is to 
be hoped they will never be hatched. "As things at 
present stand," continues he, " small farmers could beat 
the great ones out of the field. What a man produces 
by his ow nlabor and that of his family, he produces 
cheaply ; what he is compelled to hire others to perform, 
is done expensively. It is always the interest of the lat- 
ter to get as much as he can, and give as little labor in 
exchange for it." Why does he not say, in few words, a 
man works harder for himself than for others ? " Then 
arises the necessity of bailifi*s and overseers ; fresh mouths 
20* 



234 AMERICAN SYSTEM OF FARMING. 

to feed and pockets to be filled ; and the owner may con- 
sider himself fortunate, if these are content with devour- 
ing the profits, without swallowing the estate into the 
bargain." 

"When the condition of society in America will "be 
ripe" for the English system of farming, then the pro- 
gress and prosperity of the United States will be on the 
decline. What is the farming system in England but a 
sort of tail to the feudal system, which, though it may 
have its advantages to the proprietors where it is once 
established, cannot benefit a country where it is to be 
newly introduced. And what is the Irish system of 
" tenants at will " but one of the many melancholy forms 
under which the misery of her people is entailed from one 
generation on another? It is not the unfortunate state 
of society which, in America, diminishes the number of 
gentleman farmers; it is the unexampled jorospenV?/ of the 
country, and the distribution of wealth throughout the 
whole population, which raises them at once above the 
condition of servitude. Whoever emigrates westward, 
goes thither on his own account ; for, if he be an honest 
man, he can buy land on credit, or for a trifling amount 
of cash ; and under such circumstances it is not to be 
supposed he will hire himself out to others. The present 
condition of the United States is such that but few are 
exempted from labor, and even these are not proud of 
their distinction. No disgrace attaches to industry, nor 
does the term "gentleman" necessarily imply a man 
who has nothing to do. 

Large real estates neither contribute to the general 
prosperity of a country, nor are they very congenial with 
liberal institutions. The present prosperity of France 
and of some of the minor states of Germany is universally 
allowed to be produced by the division of property; and 
where such a division can be eftected in the outset, with- 
out injustice to any one class of society, it would be ab- 
surd and criminal not to promote it. No hired laborer 
can be expected to do as well as he who works for him- 
self; and it is therefore the interest of the country at 
large to have as many proprietors as possible. The 
greatest quantity of labor will be produced by the greatest 
number of persons interested in it ; and the greatest 



AMERICAN SYSTEM OP FARMING. 235 

profits realised where they are obtained with little assist- 
ance from others. These truths are so generally under- 
stood, that even at the late diets of Hungary and Transyl- 
vania, the lower nobility* wished to change the law of 
expropriation of the peasantry, by allowing them to 
possess freehold estates by the same tenure as them- 
selves; "because," they observed, "our property when 
divided will be worth more than it is entire, and we shall 
sell the fragments for more than the whole." Now, 
while the policy of such an arrangement is acknowledged 
in all civilised parts of the world, while even the nobility 
of Hungary and Transylvania are willing to try so wise 
and salutary a measure, is it not strange that so enlight- 
ened an author as Mr. Hamilton, in so enlightened an 
age as ours, should publish, in "the most enliglitened 
country of the world," a work in which he derides the 
American system of independent farming? Of what 
immense advantage is not the division of property in a 
country like the United States? Is it not, in a degree, 
necessary to the continuance of its republican institu- 
tions? Does the greater number of proprietors not in- 
crease the number of those who have a direct stake in 
the government ? Is not independence of suffrage best 
secured by independence of properly? There are, as- 
suredly, proprietors of large tracts of uncultivated land ; 
but no sooner are settlements made upon them, than they 
are portioned out in little lots, and cultivated by men 
of small fortunes. This is, indeed, one of the means of 
realising fortunes out of real estates. Land, in America, 
is treated like any other kind of merchandise ; it is 
bought in large quantities, and retailed in small lots. 
Without this policy the population would not have in- 
creased so rapidly during the last twenty or thirty years, 
and many of the western farms, which are now in a 
thriving condition, would yet be as uncultivated as the 
borders of the Pacific. Nothing but the love of inde- 
pendence could induce those sturdy settlers to make the 
wilderness their home. If they wished to consult their 

* The Hungarian diet is composed of two chambers, the magnates 
and the nobles, or the lower and higher nobility. Each free town 
counts as one nobleman in the lower chamber. No person can possess 
real estate, except a nobleman or a citizen of a free town. 



236 AMERICAN SERVANTS. 

ease, they might become servants in the cities or cultivat- 
ed districts ; for they have no chance of finding it in the 
western woods. The willingness of the rich to work, and 
the disposition of the poor to prefer hard independent 
labor to easy, well-paid servitude, are the principal 
causes of the increasing prosperity of the United States. 

The unwillingness of the poorer classes of Americans 
to hire themselves out as servants, and the little satisfac- 
tion with their lot when circumstances compel them to 
do it, furiiish a subject of incessant complaint with the 
wealthier, and more aristocratic families. The theme is 
too fertile for European tourists not to profit by it, and, 
accordingly, their works are adorned with copious de- 
scriptions of the ludicrous pretensions of American ser- 
vants. I admit at once that there are but few native 
Americans who would submit to the degradation of wear- 
ing a livery, or any other badge of servitude. This they 
would call becoming a man's man. But, on the other 
hand, there are also but few American gentlemen who 
would feel any happier for their servants wearing coats 
of more than one color. The inhabitants of New Eng- 
land are quite as willing to call their servants " helps," 
or " domestics," as the latter repudiate the title of 
*' master " in their employers; and as it is a matter of 
agreement between them, I do not see that either party 
is actually injured. 

It is true, an American servant will not suffer the treat- 
ment of a liveried vagabond ; but then it is the meanest 
gratification to be permitted to treat a fellow-being with 
contempt. Neither is an American servant that same 
indolent, careless, besotted being as an European. He 
knows how to read and write, and is sure to understand 
arithmetic ; he takes an interest in politics, reads the pa- 
pers, and attends public meetings and lectures. He is a 
member of the militia, pays poll-tax, and is entitled to 
vote.* His mind is constantly engaged in making plans 
for the future ; and, far from being content to remain all 
his life a servant, he is earnestly contemplating his chance 

* I heard, myself, an American servant tell of the gentlemann "he 
lived with," that he liked him very icell ; but ahoays crossed him in poli- 
tics. His master knew this ; but kept him in his employ, because he 
was, in every other respect, a trustworthy servant. 



AMEKICAN BEKVAJNTS. 237 

of success in some trade. No sooner has he earned a 
few dollars than he sets up a shop; and there are many 
of them who finish by becoming respectable merchants. 
With these hopes before him, it could not be expected that 
he would always be a ready, cringing sycophant; but it 
does not follow that he must necessarily be unwilling to 
do his duty, or to accomplish that which he has agreed to 
do with promptitude and cheerfulness. I am quite con- 
vinced that American servants work harder, and quicker 
than even the English; and that, from their greaterintel- 
ligence, they are, on the whole, the most useful. 

An American gentleman has seldom more than one 
man-servant, who is at once porter, footman, bottler, and, 
if necessary, coachman to the family. He cleans the 
boots, brushes the clothes, washes the windows, cleans 
the house, waits at table, goes to market, keeps the reck- 
oning, and is, in one word, the factotum o^ XhQ household. 
He does that which it would at least take six others to ac- 
complish, and, notwithstanding his high wages, proves a 
cheaper servant than could be obtained in Europe. He 
is always at home, always busy, and hardly overspending 
his leisure hours at a public-house. So far from being 
unable io procure good servants in America, the only dif- 
ficulty consists in keeping them ; there being but ^ew 
amongst them w hose capacity for trade will suffer them 
to remain satisfied with what they think an inferior con- 
dition. 

As to female servants, ^ew complaints, I believe, are 
made of their want of fidelity or submission, though they 
require a treatment very different from that to which the 
same class are accustomed in Europe. Despite of Mrs. 
Trollope's masterly sketches of American domestics, she 
could find nothing to impeach either their honesty or mo- 
rality ; (which, no doubt, the fair author would have been 
glad to do if it had been in her power ; ) and one instance, 
in particular, which she gives of the pride of a young 
girl, in her own service, who would rather starve than eat 
in the kitchen, and whom she always found obedient yet 
bathed in tears, exhibits a nobility of sentiment, of which 
certainly not a trace is to be found in her lady's writings. 

The waiting-women at the inns and taverns are possess- 
ed of a peculiar dignity of demeanor, which effectually 



238 RELATION OF THE RICH TO THK POOR. 

prevents every improper approach, on the part of the vis- 
iters, and, being generally tolerably well educated, it is 
easy to perceive at once, that they are in many respects 
vastly superior to some of the sots whom they are obliged 
"to help." The superiority of the women over the men, 
which is everywhere perceptible in the United States, ex- 
tends equally to the servants ; and it is, consequently, a 
rare case for one of these fair " helps " to marry a fellow- 
domestic. They are generally joined in wedlock to some 
respectable mechanic; and, acquiring property by frugal- 
ity and industry, finish by taking the stations of their for- 
mer employers. 

Much has been said on the relative position of the rich 
and poor, by men who enjoy great reputation as scholars 
and statesmen. Yet I believe their arguments are more 
founded on theories and analogies, than on actual obser- 
vation of the different classes of society in the United 
States. There is no distinct line of demarcation between 
the rich and the poor, as in Europe ; the deserters from 
both ranks, but especially from the latter, being more nu- 
merous than those who remain ; and the number of new 
comers putting computation altogether out of the ques- 
tion. Neither is there that envy amongst the laboring 
classes which characterizes the ^^ canaille'" of Europe, 
and manifests itself by an indiscriminate hatred of all 
whose fortunes are superior to their own. Exemption from 
labor, the beau ideal of the French and Italians, is not 
even desired by the industrious population of America ; 
and the poor, are willing to protect the possessions of the 
rich, because they expect themselves to need that protec- 
tion at some future period. In all the hues and cries 
against the bank, there was not the least manifestation of 
a desire to despoil the rich of their property : all that the 
people contended for was, in their opinion, an equal 
chance for acquiring it. They wished to put down that 
which they deemed a monopoly and an impediment to 
the progress of the small merchant; but never dreamed 
of plunder. This question has been sadly misrepresented 
in Europe, and accompanied by pictures of the cupidity of 
the lower classes, to which it would be difficult to find the 
originals in the United States of America, 



CHAPTER IX. 



COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES. SYSTEM OF CREDIT, 

AMERICAN CAPITALISTS. BANKS. MANUFACTURES.— 

MECHANIC ARTS. — WAGES AND HOURS OF LABOR. IN- 
GENUITY OF AMERICANS. NAVIGATION. SAILORS. THE 

FISHERIES. SHIP-BUILDING. 



Descended from the first maritime nation, and invited 
by a sea-coast of more than sixteen hundred miles, pos- 
sessed of the most excellent harbors, the Americans need 
but follow their natural impulse, and improve the advan- 
tages of their geographical position, in order to become 
the most powerful commercial nation on the globe. The 
water is the native element of the Transatlantic republi- 
can ; and it is upon the ocean he appears truly great and 
heroic. Even the navigation of the American lakes and 
the great western rivers presents a spectacle unequalled 
in any other part of the world. In no other country is 
so large a portion of the whole population engaged in 
navigation — in none other is the water treated with the 
same familiarity as the land. The Americans are the 
most amphibious bipeds on the face of the earth ; and 
such is the abundance of water communication in the in- 
terior, that a man will hardly call on his next neighbor 
without embarking on board of some steam-boat. 

With the unparalleled spirit of enterprise, and the mer- 
cantile genius of her inhabitants, it is impossible that Amer- 
ica should not develope all the mighty resources vi^hich a 
country, whose shores are bathed by two oceans, and 
whose interior is intersected by a thousand mighty streams, 
must naturally offer to its merchants and seamen. At the 



240 MERCANTILE NAVY. 

present time, at which probably not more than the one- 
hundredth part of the facihties of navigation are improv- 
ed, the mercantile navy of America is but second to that 
of England ; but in skill, energy, and boldness inferior 
to none in the world. Compared to the entire population, 
the number of her ships and mariners is greater than 
that of any existing nation, and forms a broad and noble 
basis for her future maritime power. It is the merchant's 
service from which the navy is recruited, and without 
which it is impossible to educate sailors for the use of 
men-of-war. The naval power of every people has in- 
creased with its commerce, and, in the event of a war, the 
question is not so much how many ships she could muster 
in her docks, but rather how many she could man and 
navigate. The American navy is perhaps the smallest 
whichever protected so extensive a commerce; but, in 
case of need, the United States could, in one year, build as 
many vessels, and man tliem, as any other nation, save 
England, could get ready for sea. The materials for 
ship-building are cheap, the skilful workmen numerous, 
and experienced sailors to be found in every harbor. The 
history of the American flotillas on tiie lakes, and the 
achievements of their frigates on the ocean, prove suffi- 
ciently the celerity and energy which they are capable of 
developing on important occasions, and that, notwith- 
standing the small number of government ships, America 
must be ranked amongst the first maritime powers. 

It is the commerce of the United States which not only 
furnishes a market for the increasing manufactures and 
the immense natural productions of the soil, but consti- 
tutes also the right arm and strength of the national de- 
fence of the country. It is not merely an accessory to 
the arts of civilization ; it is not resorted to merely as a 
means of obtaining riches; it is a /ia^/ona/ occupation, im- 
bued with all the spirit and energy of character which dis- 
tinguish the American community. 

An American merchant is an enthusiast who seems to 
delight in enterprise in proportion as it is connected with 
danger. He ventures his fortune with the same heroism 
with which the sailor risks his life ; and is as ready to 
embark on a new speculation after the failure of a favor- 
ite project, as the mariner is to navigate a new ship, after 



ENTERPRISE OP THE MERCHANTS. 241 

his own has become a wreck. An American carries the 
spirit of invention even to the counting-room. He is con- 
stantly discovering some new sources of trade, and is 
always wilUng to risk his capital and credit on some terra 
incognita, rather than follow the beaten track of others, 
and content himself with such profits as are realised by 
his competitors. This is undoubtedly the cause of a great 
number of unfortunate speculations and subsequent fail- 
ures ; but it constitutes also the technical superiority of 
the American merchant over the European. He is an 
inventor, not an imitator ; he creates new sources of wealth 
instead of merely exhausting the old ones. Hence his 
vigilance and application. The ordinary routine of busi- 
ness is not sufficient to ensure his success; he must think, 
invent, speculate ; for it is more by ingenuity and fore- 
sight, than by the regular pursuit of trade, that he can 
hope to realise a fortune. None of the present French 
or Dutch fashions of trade, would now prosper in the 
United States. Fortunes there are not made by small 
savings, but by large and successful operations. It is not 
by small savings, but by large and successful operations. 
It is not by hoarding money, but by employing and in- 
vesting it, that property accumulates in America ; and 
the inexhaustible riches of the country open daily a thou- 
sand new roads to industry and commerce. 

The majority of Americans are, perhaps, not as good 
financiers as the Dutch, but they are more enterprising 
and successful merchants ; they are willing to run greater 
risks, in order to secure larger profits ; and it may be said 
of them that their minds expand in proportion to their 
stakes in trade. 

What, after all, can be more despicable than the charac- 
ter of a miser such as Holland teemed with since the de- 
cline of her active commerce, when, with the largest cap- 
ital in the world, her merchants became money-lenders, 
and the creditors of all Europe 1 What difference is there 
not between some of those hairgard-looking, dirty, usu- 
rious financiers, and an active, liberal-minded, enter- 
prising merchant, the support of an hundred small traders 
and mechanics, whom he trusts or employs in the various 
ramifications of business. Let anyone compare the pres- 
ent population of Amsterdam to that of New York. The 
21 



245 MERCHANTS OF NEW YORK. 

aspect of the one is gloomy, contracted, sordid — that of 
the other all gaiety, frankness, and liberality. Except to 
a man of business, a residence at Amsterdam is wholly 
devoid of interest. Everywhere he meets the same greedy 
pursuit of money ; the same avaricious abstinence from 
all which contributes to pleasure. Even the ordinary 
conveniences and comforts of life are enjoyed only by a 
few of the oldest and richest families; the rest lead a life 
of privation. How very unlike this is the picture of New 
York ! Every thing there bears the aspect of ease and 
cheerfulness. The streets are wide and airy, the houses 
of the wealthier classes are decorated with taste, and the 
whole population bears the impress of opulence and pros- 
perity. In spite of the hurry and bustle of business during 
the day, the evenings of many of the wealthy families are 
devoted to social intercourse, and their doors are open to 
the reception of friends. No one can accuse the Ameri- 
can merchant with want of hospitality. He is liberal and 
generous in his dealings, affable and obliging in his inter- 
course with strangers, a sincere friend, and a calm re- 
flecting politician. The extent of his speculations pre- 
pares bis mind for sudden success or ill fortune, and he is 
able to sustain losses with a degree of fortitude and equan- 
imity which is utterly beyond the comprehension of ordi- 
nary men of business in other countries. His mind be- 
comes enlarged by the extent of his enterprise, and be- 
comes naturally superior to the niggard calculator of 
groats. 

There seems to be something ungenerous in the mere 
business of a money-broker, charging his one quarter or 
one half per cent, commission, and hoarding a fortune by 
the small droppings from the estates of those who are ac- 
tively engaged in commerce. One of the meanest occu- 
pations of men is the mere computation of numbers; but 
It may become destructive to the noblest faculties of the 
mind, when these numbers represent nothing but money. 
The first of all th.e sciences, mathcMiatics, when uncon- 
nected with philosophy, may serve to enslave the njind 
and deprive it of imagination and fancy. Even the as- 
tronomer, who is solely confined to his ciphers, without 
seeing in them the laws and type of his God, degenerates 
into a mechanical book-keeper of the universe, without 



CHARACTER OF AMERICAN MERCHANTS. 243 

having an interest in its noblest transactions. The busi- 
ness of trading and jobbing in stocks is not only mean in 
itself, but may in many instances prove a serious injury 
to commerce. It may absorb a large portion of the capi- 
tal which would otherwise be invested in merchandise, 
and give a wrong direction to the national industry of a 
country. The merchant must needs be influenced by the 
fluctuations of exchange, and must provide against them; 
but it is the gambler alone makes a living by them. 

It has been observed, in all countries, that in propor- 
tion as active commerce declines, in that same proportion 
opens the game for the agioteurs on 'change ; and there 
is no more certain mark of spreading demoralization than 
to see the people at large take an active part in it. It is 
then sure to dry up the fountains of wealth and virtue, 
and to convert thousands of industrious men into so many 
vagabonds and beggars. 

Very remarkable, and not devoid of historical interest, 
is the comparison between the rise and progress of com- 
merce in Holland, and the equally rapid success of trade 
in the United States of America. There are so many 
points of resemblance in the histories of both countries, 
so many similar causes which stimulated their inhabitants 
to exertion and prompted their ingenuity, that I cannot 
refrain from directing the attention of my readers to some 
of the principal facts w^hich became the elements of their 
respective greatness. In speaking of the commerce of 
the United States, it must be remembered, however, that 
during the war of independence, and immediately after 
it, trade and traffic were principally confined to the New 
England states — neither the south, nor Pennsylvania, nor 
even New York, being, at that time, possessed of a con- 
siderable mercantile navy, or participating largely in 
commercial enterprise. What, therefore, I have to say 
of the origin of American commerce, will apply, princi- 
pally, to the New England States, though its progress, of 
course, refers equally, and even more, to New York than 
to any other state in the Union. 

Three principal causes there were to rouse the activity 
of the Dutch, and develope those mighty energies for which 
they have long been distinguished ; the utter insufficiency 
of the soil to minister to their physical wants, the neces- 



244 HISTORY OF 

sity of protecting themselves against the fury of the ele- 
ment which continually threatened to ingulf them, and 
their long-protracted struggle for political and rehgious 
freedom against the then greatest power of Europe. The 
physical obstacles which they had to overcome whetted 
their ingenuity and directed their enterprise to commerce 
and the fisheries ; while the war with Spain, and their 
being exchided from the Portuguese ports, obhged them 
to seek the trade in Indian commodities at its source in 
the East and West Indies. The New England states 
were similarly circumstanced. Their soil, especially that 
of the province of Massachusetts Bay, was generally bar- 
ren and rocky, and obliged the settlers, at an early period 
of their history, to resort to other means of subsistence 
than mere agriculture. The sea they had less to dread ; 
but the severity of the climate, the merciless hatchet of 
the Indian, and their remoteness from the centre of civil- 
ization and from succor, taught them to rely principally 
on their own strength and industry. The continued wars 
with the aborigines, their defence against the incessant 
encroachments of ^the French, and, finally, their struggle 
for independence with England, were well calculated to 
develope all the energies of which they were possessed, 
and to direct their early attention to the establishment of 
a powerful navy. 

The fisheries had become not only a means of sup- 
plying their wants, but a source of national wealth ; as 
the herring-fisheries had at one time been the source of 
prosperity to Holland. During the war with Spain, the 
Dutch made immense prizes by the capture of Spanish 
vessels on the coast of America and in the West Indies, 
which enabled them, in part, to defray the expenses of 
the war. The Americans had to proceed to the coast of 
Africa for the very powder which they required to carry- 
on the revolutionary war, while their privateers were 
scouring even the coasts of Europe, to annoy British trade 
at its strong hold, at home. 

All nations seem to grow powerful in proportion as their 
early existence is threatened by some mighty foe. Rome 
grew strong in its wars with Carthage ; Holjand became 
the first maritime republic by its struggle against the 
greatest monarchy ; America accomplished her indepen- 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 245 

dence by challenging into the field the most enterprising 
nation on the globe. The first war with England laid the 
foundation to the American navy ; and as it was the most 
powerful nation they had to contend with, they had no 
other alternative than either to become great themselves, 
by surpassing every moral and physical obstacle to their 
progress, or be conquered and swallowed up by their su- 
perior antagonist, A series of circumstances combined 
to make them accomplish the former ; and they have 
since kept possession of the ground they have assumed, 
and even succeeded in enlarging it. 

Th9 Americans must either have become equal to the 
English^ in navigation, or forever resign the thought of 
becoming a commercial nation ; and confine themselves 
chiefly to agriculture. England possessed immense ad- 
vantages over America by her possessions in the East 
and West Indies, and the geographical position of her 
North American colonies, from which she might have 
checked the growing trade of the United States. 

The Dutch conquered a portion of the Spanish colonies, 
and established themselves in Uae East Indies on the ruin 
of the Spanish influence. The Americans could not hope 
to reap any such signal advantages over any European 
colony established in the East ; and had, therefore, no 
other means of competing with their European rivals 
than those which were furnished by the skill of their 
navigators, and the enterprise and ingenuity of their mer- 
chants. The Americans had to purchase commodities 
from the European settlements in the East and West 
Indies in order to sell them again to European nations at 
a less price than they were sold by the merchants of 
those countries. They had, therefore, to employ all their 
sagacity in trade to compete with them. They had to 
make shorter passages, navigate their ships at a less rate, 
and content themselves with smaller profits. But it was 
even the disadvantages under which they labored which 
developed their commercial energies ; and without a 
single possession in the East and West Indies, they have 
now more private ships engaged in the India trade than 
any European nation, save England. The number of 
American ships trading to the Dutch settlements in the 
East Indies was, more than ten years ago, already supe- 
21* 



246 HISTORY OP 

rior to that of all the ships employed by the Dutch East 
India Company, and they have since wrested from Hol- 
land a large portion of her trade to Russia and all the 
ports of the Baltic. 

But if the commercial importance of the United States 
was ,in the outset, favored by circumstances similar to 
those which promoted the trade and navigation of the 
Dutch; if, in the course of their progress, the Americans 
were powerfully assisted by the long wars between 
France and England, acting on their commerce, as the 
civil wars of France and Germany acted on the prosperity 
of Holland, they were equally fortunate in avoiding 
most of the evils with which the commerce of Holland 
was incumbered even during its most flourishing period, 
and which, ultimately brought on its rapid decline. Some 
of these were inseparable from the political and geo- 
graphical position of Holland ; the rest were owing to 
misgovernment. To the former we must reckon the op- 
pressive taxation, which was rendered unavoidable by 
the long war with Spain, and subsequently with France, 
and the struggle of the renublic for supremacy with the 
growing power of Englaffl ; to the latter belong the in- 
troduction of monopolies, the excessive accumulation of 
capital, and the consequently reduced profits in trade, 
and the introduction of the financiering system by which 
the Dutch became the money-lenders of Europe. 

But to understand this subject properly, and, at the 
same time, to be enabled to draw a correct inference 
from it with regard to the future prospects of America, I 
must be pardoned for alluding to a work with which the 
English are already familiar through the pages of the 
Edinburgh Review ;* but which sheds too great alight 
on the history of commerce of all nations, and especially 
on that of the United States, not to be once more intro- 
duced to the attention of British readers. I would refer 
to the " Reclierches sur le Commerce de la HoUande,^^ pub- 
lished at Amsterdam in 182J!^. From an attentive perusal 
of the work, and a proper comparison of the history of 
Dutch commerce with that of the United States, the con- 
viction will be irresistible that political and religious free- 

*Ju]y, 1830. 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 247 

dom were the two most prominent moral causes which 
promoted the trade of both nations, and that every at- 
tempt to circumscribe that freedom either by the estab- 
lishment of monopolies or any other prohibitive system, 
must arrest the progress of commerce, and become an 
impediment to industry. There can be no stronger ar- 
gument in favor of this proposition than the answer of 
the Dutch merchants themselves to the queries addressed 
to them by the Stadtholder William IV.,— Why the trade 
of Holland had been rapidly declining, and hy what means 
it was to he re-established and placed on its ancient footing ? 
In replying to these questions the merchants were obliged 
to enter fully on the moral and physical causes which co- 
operated to raise Holland to her former proud eminence, 
as also on the reasons which led to her gradual decline. 
Their arguments were all based upon facts, and are the 
more entitled to credit as they proceeded from practi- 
cal men, who had themselves experienced either the 
benefits or the disadvantages of the various systems of 
Dutch policy. They may therefore be supposed to con- 
tain a valuable lesson for all trading communities, and 
particularly for the prosperous Americans, I shall here 
repeat their statements, in order to apply them to the 
history of commerce in the United States. 

The causes which favored the trade of Holland are 
divided into three classes, viz. the natural and physical, 
the moral and political, and the adventitious and ex- 
ternal. 

„ I. The natural and physical causes are the ad- 
vantages of the situation of the country, on the sea and 
at the mouth of considerable rivers; its situation between 
the northern and southern parts, which, by being in a 
manner the centre of all Europe, made the republic be- 
come the general market, where the merchants on both 
sides used to bring their superfluous commodities, in order 
to barter and exchange the same for other goods they 
wanted. 

,, Nor have the barrenness of the country, and the 
necessities of the natives arising from that cause, less 
contributed to set them upon exerting all their applica- 
tion, industry, and utmost stretch of genius, to fetch from 
foreign countries what they stand in need of in their own, 
and support themselves by trade. 



248 HISTORY OF 

"The abundance of fish in the neighboring seas put 
them in a condition not only to supply their own occa- 
sions, but, with the overplus, to carry on a trade with 
foreigners, and out of the produce of the fishery to find 
an equivalent for what they wanted, through the sterility 
and narrow boundaries and extent of their own countr}^ 

"II. Among the moral and political causes are to be 
placed the unalterable maxim and fundamental law rela- 
ting to the free exercise of different religions ; and al- 
ways to consider this toleration and connivance as the 
most effectual means to draw^ foreigners from adjacent 
countries to settle and reside here, and so become instru- 
mental to the peopling of these provinces. 

" The constant policy of the republic to make this 
country a perpetual, safe and secure asylum for all per- 
secuted and op{)ressed strangers, — ^no alliance, no treaty, 
no regard for, or solicitation of any potentate whatever, 
has, at any time, been able to weaken or destroy this law, 
or make the state recede from protecting those who fled 
to it for their own security and self-preservation. 

"Throughout the whole course of all the persecutions 
and oppressions that have occurred in other countries, 
the steady adherence of the republic to this fundamental 
law, has been the cause that many people have not only 
fled hither for refuge with their whole stock in ready 
cash, and their most valuable effects, but have also set- 
tled and established many trades, fabrics, manufactories, 
arts, and sciences, in this country, notwithstanding the 
first materials for the said fabrics and manufactories were 
almost wholly wanting in it, and not to be procured but 
at a great expense from foreign parts. 

"The constitution of our form of government, and the 
liberty thus accruing to the citizen, are further reasons to 
which the growth of trade, and its establishment in the 
republic may fairly be ascribed ; and all her policy and 
laws are put upon such an equitable footing, that neither 
life, estates, or dignities depend upon the caprice or ar- 
bitrary power of any single individual ; nor is there any 
room for any person, who, by care, frugality, and dili- 
gence, has once acquired an affluent fortune or estate, to 
fear a deprivation of them by any act of violence, oppres- 
sion or injustice. 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 249 

" The administration of justice in the country has, in 
like manner, always been clear and impartial, and with- 
out distinction of superior and inferior rank — whether 
the parties have been rich or poor, or were this a foreigner 
and that a native ; and it were greatly to be wished we 
could at this day boast of such impartial quickness and 
despatch in all our legal processes, considering how 
great an influence it has on trade. 

" To sum up all — amongst the moral and political causes 
of the former flourishing state of trade, may be, likewise, 
placed the wisdom and prudence of the administration ; 
the intrepid firmness of the councils; the faithfulness with 
which treaties and engagements were wont to be fulfilled 
and ratified ; and particularly the care and caution prac- 
tised to preserve tranquillity and peace, and to decline, in- 
stead of entering on a scene of war, merely to gratify 
the ambitious views of gaining fruitless or imaginary con- 
quests. 

" By these moral and political maxims were the glory 
and reputation of the republic so far spread, and foreign- 
ers animated to place so great a confidence in the steady 
determination of a state so wisely and prudently conduct- 
ed, that a concourse of them stocked this country with an 
augmentation of inhabitants and useful hands, whereby 
its trade and opulence were from time to time increased. 

" III. Amongst the adventitious and external causes of 
the rise and flourishing state of our trade may be reck- 
oned, — 

" That at the time when the best anji wisest maxims 
were adopted in the republic as the means of making 
trade flourish, they were neglected in almost all other 
countries ; and any one reading the history of those 
times, may easily discover that the persecution, on ac- 
count of religion throughout Spain, Brabant, Flanders, 
and many other states and kingdoms, have powerfully 
promoted the establishment of commerce in the republic. 

"To this happy result, and the settling of manfacturers 
in our country, the long continuance of the civil wars in 
France, which were afterwards carried on in Germany, 
England, and divers other parts, have also very much 
contributed. 

>' It must be added, in the last place, that during our 



250 



HISTORY OF 



most burdensome and heavy wars with Spain and Portu- 
gal, (however ruinous that period was for commerce, other- 
wise) these powers had both neglected tlieir iiavy ; whilst 
the navy of the republic, by a conduct directly the reverse, 
was at the same time formidable, and in a capacity not 
only to protect the trade of its own subjects, but to an- 
noy and crush that of their enemies in all quarters." 

Every word of section 1st and 2d is directly applica- 
ble to the history of the United States ; and a large por- 
tion of the adventitious causes which protected and fa- 
vored the commerce of Holland have equally found a 
parallel in the progress of trade in America. The cen- 
tral position of Holland with regard to Europe, is but the 
counterpart to the superior situation of the United States 
with regard to the rest of the American continent and the 
West Indies. The United States have become the mart 
of the whole South American and Mexican produce, 
while the city of New York has become the centre of 
the bullion trade in the world. They are, besides, the 
principal market for European manufactures, and export 
them again, or their own, to all other parts of the globe. 

The barrenness of the soil, which is stated as one of 
the causes which prompted the Dutch to industry and ap- 
plication, applies, it is true, but to a small portion of the 
United States, comprising a part of New England ; but 
then the New Englanders, as I have said before were the 
first merchants of America, and the rest of the inhabit- 
tants were, from the newness of their settlements, inca- 
pable of availing themselves of the advantages of the 
soil, and, with regard to manufactures, entirely depend- 
ent on Europe. The fisheries, therefore, were early re- 
sorted to as a means of support, and are yet a rich source 
of national wealth to the Americans. They have carried 
this branch of industry further than any other nation, and 
there are whole towns and districts in the United States 
employed by the whale fisheries alone. 

The moral and political causes which favored the 
growth of Dutch commerce are still more coinciding with 
those which operated in favor of the United States. The 
religious freedom and tolerance of America have been 
the cause of the settlement of whole states, as was, for 
instance, the case with the quakers in Pennsylvania, and 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 251 

the establishments of tlie puritans in New England. They 
were the immediate motive of emigration to America of 
thousands of Europeans from England, as well as the 
continent, and, more than any other, instrumental in 
peopling the country. In like manner have the United 
States offered "a safe, secure, and perpetual asylum " for 
all persecuted and oppressed strangers, and have, in this 
manner, added to their population, capital, manufactures, 
commerce, and arts and sciences. Nor has the constitu- 
tion of the United States been surpassed by any political 
instrument, in the degree of liberty and protection which 
it affords to the lives and properties of citizens. It gives 
equal rights to the rich and the poor, and administers 
justice independent of rank, titles or hereditary distinc- 
tions. The good faith which the Americans h.ave kept 
with all nations, their keeping aloof from European 
politics, and the care and caution with which they have 
always endeavored to preserve peace, whenever it could 
be done without injury to their national honor, have made 
European capitalists willing to entrust money and proper- 
ty to the rectitude and enterprise of Americans ; and at 
this moment an investment of capital in the United States 
is considered as safe, or safer, than any European invest- 
ment which can be made. 

With regard to the adventitious causes which have in- 
creased the commercial prosperity of the United States, 
it may equally be asserted that the erroneous course of 
legislation in other countries has acted as a premium on 
the ingenuity of the American merchants. The monopo- 
lies of the English and Dutch East India companies cre- 
ated the India and China trade of the United States; and 
though the late system of free bottomry must necessarily 
interfere with its further progress, itjs no longer able to 
crush it. The Americans have become experienced and 
skilful in the trade; they have enriched themselves by its 
profits, and have created the capital by which to carry it 
on. They haye procured themselves customers in every 
part of the world; and it will require a long and tedious 
opposition to drive them from the vantage-ground they 
have assumed. 

If the civil wars in France, Germany and England 
contributed largely to the mercantile greatness of Hoi- 



252 HISTORY OF 

land, those of the French revolution gave the Americans 
almost a monopoly, and made them the carriers of all 
Europe. But if this was a fortunate circumstance, which 
gave them an opportunity of becoming skilled in naviga- 
tion and commerce, they have improved it to the utmost 
extent of their power ; and, by a system of unremitting 
industry and perseverance, have, since the establishment 
of peace, retained most of the advantages for which they 
are indebted to the war. This is the point of culmination 
of the whole history of American commerce, and here 
the history of Holland and the United States are at issue. 

After the universal peace of 1815 all nations were at 
liberty to pursue trade, and increase their mercantile nar 
vies as it suited their genius and circumstances. The com- 
petition of England and France, which proved so injuri- 
ous to Dutch commerce, after the peace of Aix la Cha- 
pelle, now threatened to annihilate the American. The 
United States possessed no colonies either in the East or 
West Indies; they had less capital than any of the princi- 
pal mercantile nations ; they were at a greater distance 
from the principal European marts, and they had to pay 
higher wages to their seamen. But, notwithstanding all 
these difficulties, the American shipping has since that 
period increased even more rapidly tlian before, and 
their ships are now generally preferred to those of all 
other nations. 

Two principal causes were assigned by the Dutch mer- 
chants for the serious decline of their trade : enormous 
taxation, and the competition of France and England. 
The former induced the merchants of other countries to 
export their superfluities in their own ships, to the coun- 
tries where they were needed, and to barter them for oth- 
er commodities, which they equally brought home in their 
own bottoms. By this means they avoided being taxed 
by the republic; and the latter lost its carrying trade, and 
ceased to be the mark of Europe. 

The immense internal resources of the United States, 
and the principle of rigid economy introduced into every 
branch of their government enable them to avoid a simi- 
lar calamity. The American commerce is as free from 
direct taxation as it is from monopolies ; and these are, 
probably, the principal reasons of its uninterrupted pro- 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 253 

gress, notwithstanding tiie increased competition of all 
Europe. The extortions and barbarities of the Dutch 
East India Company, its small capital, which did not ex- 
ceed 6,500,000 florins, or about 541,700/. sterling, and 
with which they monopolized a trade which might have 
employed millions of the sums the Dutch were then obliged 
to lend to other countries for want of some better invest- 
ment, and the infamous means by which they absorbed 
and diminished the spice-trade in the East Indies, were 
all instrumental in checking the progress of their trade, 
and were, in effect, a premium on the industry of other 
nations. 

The United States, on the contrary, laid it down as a 
maxim that trade, in order to prosper, must be free, and, 
therefore, granted tlie same privileges not only to all na- 
tive citizens, without distinction, but also to all foreigners 
who chose to settle, reside or trade, in any American city. 
By this means no particular kind of trade is made to ab- 
sorb an undue portion of the capital of the nation, or is 
embraced and cultivated to the detriment and neglect of 
other branches; and foreigners, from all parts of the 
"World, establishing themselves permanently in the United 
States, make them, in a measure, the central station of 
their commerce. 

But the progress of commerce in the United States 
gives rise to yet another consideration, which, at this mo- 
ment, is of universal interest. The question may arise 
whether the trade of America is increased or diminished 
by the want of colonies in the East and West Indies ; 
and whether such colonies, independent of the political 
advantages which they afford to the different nations of 
Europe, actually increase the profits of their merchants. 
Under the former system of trade, colonies unquestionably 
augmented the commercial prosperity of a nation. They 
were, in fact, considered as an investment of property in 
order to realise a greater per-cent-age on capital. Each 
nation guarding jealously the produce of its own colonies, 
with a view to establish a monopoly, success in trade, was, 
of course, in a great measure dependent on the possession 
of the most important maritime and commercial stations; 
and, accordingly, we have seen the nations of Europe at 
22 



254 PROGRESS OF 

war with each other for the possession of colonies in the 
East and West Indies. 

But the commerce of the world has since undergone 
an important change. The principle of free trade suc- 
ceeds rapidly to that of monopoly. The colonies them- 
selves have risen into importance ; and their trade, in- 
stead of being confined to the mother country, is open 
to the competition of foreigners. They have attained a 
political consequence, and their interests and commerce 
require a different policy from that which led to their es- 
tablishment. Etirope is no longer the only consumer of 
Indian commodities; a large portion of them being used 
in the United States and other parts of America, and 
much also being bartered for the produce of other colo- 
nies, or consumed at home. In proportion as the colonies 
become settled, a portion of the national wealth becomes 
permanently transferred to them, and is employed in en- 
riching them instead of the mother country. The money 
invested in plantations proves a drain on the capital of 
Europe ; and the interest of that money is again cliiefly 
invested in the colonies.* Neither does the traffic in their 
produce benefit exclusively, the merchants of the mother 
country; because other nations being at liberty to trade 
with the colonies on nearly the same terms, the planters 
naturally give the preference to those customers from 
whom they may, in return, receive those commodities at 
the cheapest rate, which they themselves stand most in 
need of By this means they have, to a certain extent, be- 
come commercially independent, and pursue now them- 
selves the trade, and realise the profits on it, for the ex- 
clusive advantage of which the nations of Europe were 
induced to establish them. Their interests are no longer 
identified with those of the mother country, and their 
riches are no longer a part of the national wealth. Mean- 
while the expenses of their governments increase with 
the extent of cultivated territory and the political con- 
sideration to which they become entitled by the number 
and possessions of their inhabitants. The mother country, 

" It must be observed, that these remarks apply principally to those 
colonies where the English have formed permanent settlements, and 
Avhich have attamed a powerful political consequence by the establis?i- 
ment of provincial assemblies. 



AMERICAN COMMERCE. 255 

which bears a great part of these expenses, is obliged to 
concede to them every year new rights and privileges 
which render them still more independent, and give 
greater liberty to their commerce. Thus it may be said 
that in proportion as the colonies increase, the profits of 
the mother country diminish ; they become every year 
more expensive to the government, and a direct tax on 
the country which gave them birth; making but inade- 
quate and indirect returns by the facilities which they 
afford to its commerce, and imposing a heavy duty on 
many articles of European commerce, which must act as 
a premium on the trade of America. 

The Americans have no drawbacks, whether originat- 
ing in colonies or otherwise, on their commerce. They 
have not to expend large sums to favoi a particular 
branch of trade, and thereby tax all the rest ; they have 
not to create artificial interests which force a portion of 
the national wealth into an unnatural channel, or alienate 
it from home ; and they never have any considerable 
portion of their capital invested, without bearing them 
interest. .The profits realised in trade return directly 
home to their country, and there beget new wealth. 
America has no fixed possessions out of the United States, 
and has no other interests to protect than her own. Her 
merchants need not pursue any particular branch of 
trade longer tlian it is profitable, or yields greater returns 
than they can hope to realise from any other kind of 
industry. The American trade, therefore, is more free 
tlian that of any other nation; for it leaves the articles of 
commerce, the place of purchase, and the best mart of 
their sale entirely at the option of the dealers. It gives 
them the greatest latitude of speculation, and the largest 
field for enterprise. It is connected with the smallest 
taxation to the merchants and the community at large, 
and enables them to become general dealers^ without 
being obliged to become store-keepers^ in any particular 
part of the world. The expenses of trade are thus re- 
duced, and American merchants successfully compete 
with those of Europe, notwithstanding their apparently 
small profits, and the seeming disadvantage of their 
position. 

That the internal resources of America have most 



^56 AMERICAN SHOPKEEPERS. 

powerfully contributed to extend the commerce of the 
United States, no one can reasonably deny; but the 
policy of the country, its laws and political institutions, 
and the peculiar mercantile genius of the inhabitants, 
have done the rest. I do not believe that any other na- 
tion, placed under similar circumstances, would have 
developed the same commercial talent, and none could 
have succeeded without the political freedom of America. 

For shopkeeping, the Americans seem to have less 
talent than any people in Europe. They lack the patience 
which is necessary for retail trade, and exhibit evidently 
less taste in the display of their goods, than either the 
French or the English. The shops in New York and 
other large cities are well stored with every description 
of merchandise from India and Europe ; but the econom- 
ical habits of the people do not allow them to expend any 
considerable sums in decorating their premises. In this 
they follow the inclination of their customers, who do not 
like to pay for the outfit, but value merchandise only 
according to its intrinsic worth and usefulness. 

Good articles, at a cheap rate, command the greatest 
patronage ; and no fashionable preference being generally 
established in favor of one or the other shop or its locali- 
ty, the retailers follow the example of the merchants, and 
avoid every unnecessary expense which would tax their 
trade and reduce their profits. Neither do they seem to 
have any particular regard for the qualify of their cus- 
tomers ; but endeavor to increase their number, which 
can only be done by reasonable prices adapted to the 
means of the multitude. 

The American shopkeeper depends on the public at 
large, and has, therefore, no inducement to gratify the 
fancy of particular classes by an attempt at expensive 
refinements. He prefers a trade in the commonest arti- 
cles, to the dealing in costly fashions; and, by a peculiar 
mercantile instinct, is better satisfied with small profits 
on large sales, than with large profits on small ones. 
The Americans, of all nations in the world, understand 
least how to buy and sell things on a small scale, and are 
least in the habit of increasing their estates by the pro- 
portional smallness of their expenditure. I do not mean 
to say that they are an extravagant people, or fond of the 



AMERICAN SPOPKEEPERS. 257 

higher elegancies and luxuries of life ; but a certain de- 
gree of comfort, and even affluence, is shared by all 
classes of society, and is alike indispensable to all. 

Of all nations in Europe, the French seem to be best 
adapted to the business of retail trade. They understand 
the whole art of buying things at five sous, and selling 
them again at six, without growing weary and impatient. 
They are a people who can enjoy life in every form and 
variety ; and are generally more remarkable for excelling 
in the minutiae of a particular department, than for the 
readiness with which they endeavor to enlarge it. They 
are frugal and industrious by nature, and, perhaps, as 
happy in their limited sphere, as the most enterprising 
nation in the world, and more certain of moderate suc- 
cess. They know best how to proportion their expenses 
to thei-r income. They always manage to save something, 
be it ever so little ; but they are less active and enterpris- 
ing than either the English or Americans. Most of the 
small shopkeepers in Paris have their principal stock in 
trade at the window; but then there is taste in its ar- 
rangement, and ingenuity in its display. If they are 
asked for an article, they will enter upon an exposition of 
its qualities with a minuteness of detail, and a prodigality 
of reasoning, which will satisfy the inquirer at once that 
they are at home in their department, and not anxious 
to quit the premises. 

To a French shopkeeper, his boutique is the universe. 
He there commences and finishes his observations; and, 
thougli sometimes subject to political aberrations, returns 
to it willingly, as the principal scene of his usefulness. 
An American, and especially a New Englander, has in 
his very constitution more or less of the spirit of a mer- 
chant. He cannot with good grace stoop to the retailing 
of ribbons and pins ; and if, from a want of funds or 
credit, he is obliged to resort to so humble a beginning, 
he is eagerly panting for an extension of business, and 
will seize upon the first opportunity to disengage himself 
from so disagreeable a task. 

In the large Atlantic cities of the United States, the 
retailers of goods follow the same routine as the mer- 
chants. They receive and give extensive credit, employ 
a book-keeper and a number of clerks, and, though there 
22*. 



258 GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON AMERICAN TRADE. 

are generally more than one partner in a firm, manage 
to live and maintain their families in a style to which the 
same classes in Europe are almost entire strangers. 
Many of them are themselves importers, or supply the 
retailers in the country ; and there is, perhaps, not one 
who would not willingly risk half his fortune to increase 
his facilities of trade. They are seldom content with 
their present situation, which they are always ready to 
improve by circumstances, and are only by great misfor- 
tunes and losses debarred from becoming respectable 
merchants. 

Rousseau, with more irony than flattery to either sex, 
commended the business of shopkeeping to women; and 
it must be allowed that the women of France, at least, 
are most remarkably fit for that purpose. Whether he 
intended to increase the profits in trade by the petty 
manoeuvres of which he judged females alone capable, or 
whether he wished to preserve the minds of men from a 
task which he thought humiliating and destructive to the 
higher powers, I know not; but certainly his advice has 
been followed in France, and the general morality of the 
people is far from being improved by it. The American 
shopkeeper's wife and daughters are never seen at the 
scene of business, for v/hich they are neither intended 
nor qualified; and, being unable to assist him in trade, 
are more happily employed in preserving the purity and 
sanctity of his fire-side. They give him tiiat which he 
would otherwise be obliged to resign — a home in the 
bosom of his family. 

. Trade, in America, does not consist in the mechanical 
purchase and sale of goods. The prices of articles are 
not so stable as in Europe, and depend in a far higher 
degree on the state of the money-market at home and 
abroad, and on the political prospects of the country. 
These it is not in the power of ordinary minds at all 
times justly to estimate; and it is therefore only the well- 
informed and the shrewd, who can reasonably hope to 
succeed. Fortunes are sometimes made by unexpected 
turns of good luck; but in the far greater number of 
instances, they are the result of well-planned and execut- 
ed speculations; and none of them are preserved without 
prudence and good sense. In every other country the 



SYSTEM OF CREDIT. 259 

number of inherited fortunes is greater than that of the 
acquired ones; in America the case is entirely the re- 
verse, most of them being the result of severe application 
to business, accompanied by sobriety and frugality of 
habits. 

It is a circumstance worthy of observation that almost 
all the enterprising merchants of New York, Boston, 
and the other seaports, sprung from nothing, and that in 
nearly all instances, good sense and industry have gone 
further than mere capital, with inferior qualifications 
for business. It would be difficult to explain so general 
a phenomenon merely by the general prosperity of the 
country, the fertility of its soil, and the millions of acres 
of land yet left to be explored by the people. The 
fortunes of farmers and mechanics might be accounted 
for in this manner; because in these occupations it is 
personal labor chiefly which insures ultimate success. 
But in the case of the merchants, I would more willingly 
ascribe tlie source of prosperity, first, to the increased 
facilities of credit, and secondly, to the willingness of the 
rich capitalists to invest their money in trade. A young 
beginner with talents finds always a partner with money, 
— in many instances a silent one, — while the son of a 
rich man either studies a profession, or receives less of 
that practical education which alone can fit him for 
business. 

There is, probably, no other country in which credit is 
so purely personal as in the United States. In England 
it is already more so than in France ; but in the rest of 
Europe it is chiefly based on property, and consequently 
with few individual exceptions, beyond the grasp of mere 
intelligence, honesty, and industry. In this manner, the 
investments of money are, assuredly, more secure; but 
the floating capital always less than the real amount of 
property, and active commerce, whose soul is credit, al- 
most entirely out of the question. The money lent on 
real estate or any other security is no bonus paid to the 
personal qualifications and probity of the borrower, and 
cannot, properly, be said to constitue a trust. It does 
not actually increase his means ; for he obtains it only as 
an advance on something of still greater value. It may- 
be of great advantage to him at the moment, because it 



260 SYSTEM OF CREDIT. 

enables liim to dispose of, and employ, a certain part of 
the value of his estate without being compelled to re- 
nounce its possession ; but the transaction is as far re- 
moved from the operation of credit, as the accommodation 
of a pawn-broker who lends on pledges. 

It is with the utmost difficulty that a poor German or a 
Frenchman succeeds in the acquisition of property : his 
progress is slow and tedious, and his facilities of credit 
never much in advance of his actual stock in trade. In 
America the case is different. Men there are trusted in 
proportion to their reputation for honesty and adaptation 
to business. Industry, perseverance, acquaintance with 
the market, enterprise — in short, every moral qualification 
of a merchant increases his credit as much as the actual 
amount of his property. The facilities of a beginner are 
even greater than those of a person established for some 
time, unless the latter have given evidence of his superior 
fitness for business. An American is more willing to 
trust a young man who has to establish a reputation by 
faithfully discharging his engagements, than one whose 
fortune is made, and who, on that account, is less depend- 
ent on the opinion of others. "A young man," he says, 
"is naturally more enterprising; he has a much longer 
career to run, and will, therefore, do more to win golden 
opinions from his friends, than one who has advanced to 
old age, and can neither atone for or correct the follies 
of his youth." 

Neither are American capitalists, as I have said before, 
contented with so small a per-centage on their money as 
Europeans ; but rather venture a certain portion of their' 
fortunes, in order to realise a greater income ; and are, 
consequently, always ready to trust and employ those who 
possess more mind than capital, or to go into partnership 
with them. Thus the amount of floating capital in the 
United States is not merely based on the gross value of 
real and personal estate, but also on the moral qualifi- 
cations of the merchants, and the resources of the country 
which it is the genius of the people to develope. The fig- 
ures on 'change denote not merely money and merchan- 
dise ; but represent also the intelligence, enterprise, econ- 
omy and probity of the people : they fire the index to the 
mind as well as to the property of the merchants. 



SYSTEM OF CREDIT. 261 

The influence which this method of transacting busi- 
ness must exercise on the extension of commerce cannot, 
for one moment, be doubtful. The advantages arising 
from it, to the country at large, are incalculable. It ena- 
bles merchants to extend their transactions to sums vastly 
superior to their positive means ; holds out facilities of 
trade to persons who would otherwise be entirely dis- 
possessed of them, and has a decided tendency to bring 
foreign capital into the market. Where the greatest 
profits are realised, and the greatest amount of business 
transacted, to that place will capital emigrate — be it 
India or China, England or the United States. Millions 
are thus circulating in many an American town, which 
would otherwise be confined to a small and limited trade, 
and thousands of people, who are now engaged in com- 
merce, and employed in enriching themselves and the 
country, would be obliged to resort to manual labor, to ob- 
tain for themselves a bare subsistence. But it is not the 
country where the greatest capital is owned, but, on the 
contrary, that in which the greatest amount of it circu- 
lates, which must eventually become rich and powerful ; 
and, with the present prospects of America, no limit can 
be assigned to her future prosperity. 

The advantages of the American system of credit are 
not only felt in the operation of commerce ; they have 
also a strong moral influence on the people, and it is prin- 
cipally this which commands our serious attention. 

Where credit is solely based on property, there it must 
naturally stifle the spirit of enterprise, or confine it to a 
small class. A large number of those who possess for- 
tunes will only be intent on the most sordid means of in- 
creasing it, and every additional pound which they amass 
is a fresh obstacle to the progress of a poor beginner. 
Meanness and avarice must take the place of a well-di- 
rected extensive commerce, and petty savings and usury 
be substituted for activity and liberal industry. That such 
a process is humiliating to the mind, and entirely incom- 
patible with that generosity of feeling which we associate 
with the character of a gentleman, will hardly be disput- 
ed ; and it is therefore not surprising that in those coun- 
tries the position and employment of a merchant should 
be looked upon as debasing the nobler faculties. 



262 SYSTEM OF CREDIT. 

In Germany, with the exception of three or four com- 
mercial cities, which by the Confederation areallowed to 
have their own government, the merchants hold a very 
inferior rank in society ; and there is no officer, civil or 
military, or no man of liberal education, in general, who 
would not be considered to confer a favor by his inter- 
course with any one connected with trade. Not so in 
America. The business of a merchant, in the United 
States, is rather calculated to expand and liberalise his 
mind than to contract and destroy it. His^firm represents 
not only his property, but also the intelligence, industry, 
and enterprise of which he is possessed. His credit in- 
creases not only with his capital ; but is founded also on 
his personal qualifications, and the innate or acquired 
superiority of his intellect. He can supply the deficiency 
of capital by a more enlarged sphere of knowledge and 
experience, and is thus, by his moral advantages, raised 
to an equality with the more wealthy and prosperous. 
The rich are obliged to employ the talents of the poor in 
order to increase their wealth ; and the latter may, in 
turn, hope to become opulent and independent. Com- 
merce, in this manner, is not monopolized by a few weal- 
thy families, but becomes the national occupation of the 
whole people, in which all, who have talent and industry, 
have an equal chance of success. 

An American merchant obtains and gives more credit 
than an European, and has, therefore, a wider range of 
speculation and action before him, than one possessed of 
the same capital in any other country. His mind becomes 
enlarged with the development of the immense national 
resources which form the basis and element of his enter- 
priscv One half of the internal improvements of the 
country would yet be i?i embryo, or not even thought 
of, were it not for the liberality of the merchants and 
capitalists who have furnished the money, or the talents 
and industry of beginners who were willing to take charge 
of the enterprise. Without the system of personal credit, 
neither commerce, nor manufactures, nor even agricul- 
ture would have advanced with the same rapidity of pro- 
gress ; and fertile districts, animated by the arts of civil- 
ization, and provided with schools and seminaries of 
learning, would yet be the abode of the deer, and the 
haunt of the American Indian, 



OPERATIONS OF THE SYSTEM OF CREDIT. 263 

The extensive and diversified commerce of the United 
States, the peculiar manner of transacting business, and 
the great number of persons who participate in it, cause 
an incessant contact of all classes of society, which can- 
not but be beneficial to all, but particularly advantageous 
to the merchant. He is made more intimately acquainted 
with the wants, means, and feelings of the mechanic, the 
manufacturer, the agriculturist, the politician, and the 
professional man — all of whom have a more direct influ- 
ence on his prosperity, and are directly or indirectly in- 
terested in his success. His information extends with 
his business, and he becomes, from necessity, a shrewd 
observer and judge of human actions and motives. He is 
continually watching the current of events, the changes 
of public opinion, and the different directions of industry; 
for if he fail to profit by them before they are generally 
known, he is sure to be distanced by his numerous and 
more vigilant competitors. 

Again, credit being personal, and business done to a 
much larger amount than is covered by property, it is not 
sufficient for him to know the fortunes and present means 
of those whom in the course of his ordinary transactions 
he is obliged to trust : he must be able to judge of their 
honesty, their talent for business, and the motives which 
they may have for fulfilling their engagements. He is 
thus compelled to study characters, while his own is made 
the subject of the severest scrutiny ; and becomes as skil- 
ful in discovering the personal qualifications of others, as 
he is solicitous to banish from his own conduct all that 
can give rise to premature judgments or suspicions. This 
is the reason why the American merchants enjoy such a 
high reputation for shrewdness and sagacity ; and why 
they are universally allowed to be excellent judges of 
men and their actions. Mr. Hamilton observed a similar 
feature, but did not trace it to its right source.* 

* " Of whatever solecism of deportment they are themselves guilty," 
says Mr. Hamilton, " The Americans are admirable, and perhaps not 
very lenient judges of manners in others. * * * With them vulgar 
audacity will not pass for polished ease, nor will fashionable exterior 
be received for more than it is worth. I know of no country where an 
impostor would have a more difficult game to play in the prosecution 
of his craft, and should consider him an accomplished deceiver were 
he able to escape detection amid observation so vigilant and acute." 



264 FREQUENCY OF FAILURES. 

To the advantages of their position in society, the 
American merchants join, for the most j3art, those of a 
superior education, and there are many of them, especial- 
ly in the city of Boston, who have completed a college- 
course. To this we must add the information acquired 
by travelling at home and abroad, and their consequent 
freedom from a variety of prejudices inseparable from 
men who have not had an opportunity of observing and 
judging for themselves. Many of them have taken an 
active part in politics ; and, although they were not al- 
ways so successful as in trade, have at least exhibited a 
penetration and comprehensiveness of mind which are 
seldom surpassed by professional legislators. There are 
merchants in the Senate and in the House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, and the same may be observed 
in the Senate and House of Representatives in each in- 
dividual state. To sum up the whole, the American 
merchants, as a body, are a well-bred, intelligent and 
liberal-minded set of men, and in point of sagacity, judg- 
ment, and general information, inferior to no class of 
society either in America or Europe. 

One serious objection which has been made against 
the American system of credit, is the great number of 
failures which are its necessary consequence. Now, 
granted that there occur more failures in the United 
States than in any country of the same population in 
Europe, it does not follow that, considering the amount 
of business, and the number of those who engage in it, 
there is more injury sustained from bankruptcies than 
either in France or England ; on the contrary, it is more 
than probable that the profits, realised in any kind of 
trade, bear a better proportion to the losses sustained by 
insolvent debtors than in any other country. 

To judge correctly of the frequency of failures in 
America, we must not only consider the vastness of specu- 
lation based on a comparatively small capital, but also 
the fact that in the United States there exists as yet no 
bankrupt law to exclude persons of whatever employment 

This panegyric of American sagacity the learned author intended 
only for their judgment of manners; but a little further investigation 
would have convinced him that it has a more solid foundation, and 
applies equally to the moral and intellectual qualifications of men. 



AMERICAN BANKS. 265 

or trade of the advantages enjoyed by merchants. Mer- 
cantile speculations are not confined to any one class; 
the tradesman, the mechanic, the agriculturist, the lawyer, 
the physician, and even the schoolmaster have their 
share in them ; and, considering the liabilities of all these 
persons, we shall find the number of those who actually 
avail themselves of the benefit of the " act for insolvent 
debtors," not only small, but incapable of affecting the 
community. If the facilities of credit were less, the 
number of failures would, undoubtedly, be less also ; but 
in the same ratio would also diminish the facilities of 
trade, and the profits arising from an active and liberal 
commerce. The nation would be deprived of one of its 
principal sources of prosperity, and thousands of enter- 
prising individuals prevented from participating in an ex- 
tensive business. Those who are against the credit sys- 
tem of the United States, ought for the same reason to 
oppose navigation, on account of the frequency of ship- 
wrecks. 

The American banks are all banks of issue, discount 
and deposite, and, in the large Atlantic cities, extremely 
well managed. I believe there are but very few instances 
known in which any of them have failed in Boston, and 
those of New York and Philadelphia enjoy equally the 
highest credit. Their number, however, is prodigious, 
which is, perhaps, one of the principal reasons why they 
are less secure than those of Europe. The system of 
credit in the United States renders them, of course, 
liable to frequent losses ; but they are, nevertheless, one 
of the principal engines in the rapid improvements of the 
country, and increase the facilities of intercourse and 
business. 

All that can be said in their favor or against them, re- 
fers to the American credit system, of which the banks 
are but the auxiliaries, and is, consequently, already im- 
plied in what I have said on that subject. To avoid re- 
petition, therefore, I shall content myself with stating, in 
the following table, the amount of banking capital and 
bills in circulation, in each state; from which the reader 
may form an estimate as to the extent to which this 
principle is applied in practice. The table refers to the 
commencement of the year 1834, and does not include 
23 



266 



AMERICAN BANKS. 



the United States Bank with a capital of 35,000,000 of 
dollars, and its numerous branches. Nor is it necessary 
to add that since that period numerous other banking 
institutions have sprung up, and are daily rising into ex- 
istence, which, of course, must render all such state- 
ments incomplete. A table of tliis kind can only serve to 
exhibit the ratio which exists between capital and credit, 
and perhaps not even that with mathematical precision. 



State. 



Maine - - 
N. Hampshire 
Vermont 
Massachus'tts 
Rhode Island 
Connecticut 
New York - 
New Jersey 
Pennsylvania 
Delaware 
Maryland - 
Virginia 
N. Carolina 
S. Carolina 
Georgia 
Alabama 
Mississippi 
Louisiana 
Tennessee 
Kentucky 
Ohio - - 
Indiana 
Illinois - - 
Missouri * - 
District of ) 
Columbia j 
Florida - - 
Michigan 
Arkansas t - 

Sum total 



No. of Banks. 



14 

24 

17 

102 

51 

21 

79 

22 

41 

4 

22 

4 

3 

7 

13 

5 

2 

12 
2 
3 

20 
1 
1 



Capital. 



487 



Dollars. 
2,727,000 
2,454,308 
911,980 

28,236,250 
7,438,848 
5,708,015 

27,846,460 
6,375,000 

17,084,444 
2,000,000 
9,270,091 
5,694,500 
1,824,725 
3,156,318 
6,534,691 
4,308,207 
3,666,805 

23,664,755 

2,242,827 

1,875,418 

5,986,625 

150,000 

200,000 

3,355,305 

1,000,000 
2,250,000 



Bills circulated. 



175,962,572 



Dollars. 
1,303,671 
1,063,145 
1,234,178 
7,889,110 
1,264,394 
2,557,227 
15,471,328 
5,840,000 
10,366,232 

504,000 
2,441,698 
5,598,392 

981,114 
3,724,442 
3,055,003 
2,054,471 
2,100,426 
4,793,730 
2,110,880 

838,091 

1,945,917 

75,000 

100,000 

1,109,389 

600,000 
428,000 



r9,449,838 



* There was no bank in that state, except a branch of the United 
States Bank, 

t There was no bank in that territory, except a branch of the bank 
of Maryland, which failed in March, 1834. 



AMERICAN BANKS. 267 

Most of the southern banks have a number of branches 
which are included in the amount of capital given above. 
The bills of the United States Bank circulating in 1835 
amounted to twenty-two millions of dollars, and the 
specie in its vaults to 13,912,577 dollars 47 cents. There 
were twenty-nine banks selected for the deposits of the 
government with a capital of 34,847,203 dollars, which 
issued bills to the amount of 15,521,997 dollars. 

The bank capitals in the different states, for the year 

1834-5, compiled from official returns, as stated in Bick- 

jiell's "Philadelphia Counterfeit Detector,"were as follows. 

Maine - . - - Dols. 2,724,000 

New Hampshire - - - 2,454,308 

Vermont 911,900 

Massachusetts . - - - 29,409,450 
Rhode Island - - - - 7,438,848 
Connecticut - - - - 5,708,015 

New York . . - - 31,781,460 

New Jersey _ - - - 6,375,500 

Pennsylvania - - - - 17,084,444 

Delaware 2,000,000 

Maryland 9,270,091 

Virginia 5,694,500 

North Carolina - - - - 3,324,725 
South Carolina - - - - 7,331,318 

Georgia 8,034,691 

Alabama 4,308,207 

Mississippi - - - - 11,000,000 

Louisiana 33,664,755 

Tennessee 5,242,827 

Kentucky - - . ^ - 10,000,000 

Ohio 5,086,125 

Indiana - . - - - 1,500,000 

Illinois 1,700,000 

District of Columbia - - - 3,355,305 
Florida Territory - - - 1,000,000 

Michigan Territory - - - 2,250,000 

Total - 219,250,549 dols. 



From 1811 till 1830, 165 banks are known to have 
failed, with an aggregate capital of 24,212,339 dollars. 
The number of failures, therefore, averaged between 



268 



EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. 



eight and nine per annum, which is not yet one for every 
two states of the Union, and consequently but a small 
drawback on the extensive benefits of the system. 

After what I have said of American commerce and 
merchants, it will perhaps be not unwelcome to some of 
my readers, to have some numerical details about the 
imports and exports of the United States. The following 
are taken from official reports ; and it will be perceived 
from them that the exports in 1834 surpassed those of 1830 
by 7,174,654 dollars; and that in the year following (1835) 
they increased by further 23,312,811 dollars, making in all 
a total augmentation of 30,487,465 dollars in five years. 

The exports of 1830 (the year ending Dollars. 

September 30th) amounted to 73,849,508 



Of which there were — 
Domestic produce 
Foreign ditto 

Total 

Those of 1834 were 
Of which — 

The sea yielded 
The forest, - - - 
Vegetable food, 
Tobacco, - _ - 
Cotton, _ - _ 

Other agricultural products, 
Manufactures, 
And other articles not ) 
enumerated, ) 

Total 

Finally, the exports of 1835 to - 

Of which there were — 
Domestic produce 
Foreign ditto 

Total 



Dollars. 

- 59,462,029 

- 14,387,479 

- 73,849,508 

- 81,024,162 

2,071,493 

4,457,997 
10,884,052 

6,595,305 

49,448,402 

453,028 

5,998,012 

1,115,873 

81,024,162 
Dollars. 
104,336,973 



Dollars. 

- 81,024,162 

- 23,312,811 

- 104,336,973 



AMOUNT OF TONNAGE, 



^69 



The imports in 1835 were - - 126,521,332 

Those of 1830 - - ^ - 70,876,920 



Increase in five years - 55,644,412 

The amount of imports and exports in American vessels 
is to that in foreign vessels as six to one nearly. (In 
the year 1830 it was 51 : 8, or 6^ : 1.; and in 1834 as 
175: 32, or 5^1-: 1.) 

It will also be perceived from those statements that 
while in 1830 the exports surpassed the imports by 
2,972,588 dollars, the balance of trade has, in 1835, been 
turned against America. This, however, was owing to 
particular circumstances connected with the history of 
the United States Bank, and the great depression of 
foreign exchange, which must always act as a premium 
on the importation of foreign goods. 

To form an idea of the increasing navigation of the 
United States, we need only reflect on the amount of 
tonnage which at the beginning of the year 1833 was 
registered in the principal seaports and districts as fol- 
lows : 

New York, (State of New York) - 298,832 
Boston, (Massachusetts) - - 171,045 

Philadelphia, (Pennsylvania) - - 77,103 
New Bedford, (Massachusetts) - 70,550 

New Orleans, (Louisana) - - 61,171 
Portland, (Maine) - - - 47,942 

Baltimore, (Maryland) - - 47,129 

Bath, (Maine) . . - - 33,480 

Salem, (Massachusetts) - - - 30,293 
Nantucket, (Massachusetts) - - 28,580 
Barnstable, (Massachusetts) - - 28,153 
Waldoborough, (Maine) - - 24,948 

New London, (Connecticut) - - 24,225 
Penobscot, (Maine) - - - 22,115 

Newburyport, (Massachusetts) - 20,131 

Providence, (Rhode Island) - 19,136 

Belfast, (Maine) . - - - 18,576 
Plymouth, (Massachusetts) - - 17,669 
Portsmouth, (New Hampshire) - 17,126 
Norfolk, (Virginia) - - - 15,790 

23* 



270 AMOUNT OF TONNAGE. 

Passamaquoddy, (Maine) - - 13,370 

Gloucester, (Massachusetts) - - 13,266 

Wilmington, (North Carolina) - 13,265 

Charlestown, (South Carolina) - 13,244 

Vienna, (Maryland) - - - 13,129 

Bristol, (Rhode Island) - - 12,879 

Bridgetown, (New Jersey) - - 12,690 

Fairfield, (Connecticut) - - 10,892 

Alexandria, (District of Columbia) - 10,599 

Pittsburgh, (Pennsylvania) - - 10,091 

Total - - 1,197,419 Tons. 



exclusive of the tonnage of steamboats. If we allow 
since 1833 but an increase often per cent., (which I think 
is small, considering the rapid progress of commerce and 
manufactures,) we shall have the actual amount of ton- 
nage in the thirty principal districts 1,317,160 tons; and, 
considering the low rate at which ships are generally 
registered in the United States, and the districts not enu- 
merated in the above statements, I do not think that two 
millions of tons would exceed the actual amount of Ameri- 
can tonnage. This, for a country whose independence 
has been acknowledged little more than half a century, is 
certainly enormous, and a gigantic index to her future 
mercantile importance. 

The followin<y Table will exhibit the Number of 
American and Foreign Vessels, with their Tonnage, 
which entered into each of the Districts of the United 
States during the Year ending on the 30th of Septem- 
ber, 1835; also the Tonnage of each District on 31st 
December, 1834.* 

We must, here, a^ain remember, that the mercantile transactions 
of that year offerno fair average of the active commerce of the United 
States. (Compare the remarks, page 269 on the Imports of 1835.) 



Into 


American. 


Foreign. 


T 


OTAL. 


No. of 


1 No. of 


No. ofi No. of 


No. of 


No. of 


^ 


vessels 1 Tons. 


vessels 1 tons. 


vessels J tons. 


1. Passamaquoddy (Maine; 


41 


4,08t 


91C 


61 ,88; 


954 1 65,971 


2. Machias do. 


1 


96 






I 


98 


3. Frenchman's Bay do. 


.... 




"*r 


46 


( 


461 


4. Penobscot - do. 


17 


2,98f 


1 


4c 


IS 


3,033 


5. Waldoboiough do. 


3 


1,072 






« 


1,072 


6. Wiscasset - do. 


4 


1,51£ 


,.'.'. 


!!!! 


4 


1,512 


7. Bath - - do. 


31 


7,841 






31 


7,843 


8. Portland - do. 


1.39 


28.876 


"23 


•2,095 


162 


30,973 


9. Belfast - do. 


12 


i;77( 


2 


163 


14 


1,933 


10. Kennebunk - do. 


4 


73fi 






4 


739 


11. Saco - - do. 


2 


272 






2 


272 


12. Portsmouth (N. Hampshire) 


25 


6,445 


*"2 


"iig 


27 


6,564 


13. Vermont (Vermont) 


206 


36,595 


.... 




206 


36,595 


14. Newbiiryport (Mass,) 


26 


5,087 


"*J 


"rsb 


27 


5,223 


15. Gloucester do. 


10 


2,04b 






10 


2,048 


16. Salem - do. 


72 


10,877 






72 


10,877 


17. Marblehead do. 


8 


1,198 


'"2 


'146 


10 


1,338 


18. Boston - do. 


754 


158,712 


404 


35,708 


1,158 


194,420 


19. Plymouth - do. 


10 


2,143 


1 


72 


1] 


2,215 


20. Dlghton - do. 


34 


6,891 


8 


1,235 


42 


8,126 


21. New Bedford do. 


99 


26 573 


2 


165 


101 


26,738 


22. Edgartown do. 


86 


17,958 


5 


5.54 


91 


18,512 


23. Provi.ience (Rhode Island) 


52 


10,296 


10 


1,022 


62 


11,318 


24. Bristol - do. 


24 


4,7b2 




... 


24 


4,782 


25, Newport .- do. 


21 


3,813 


"5 


"958 


26 


4,771 


26. New London (Connecticut) 


30 


6,735 


2 


258 


32 


6,993 


27. New Haven do. 


59 


9,796 




. . . . 


59 


6,796 


28. Middlelown do. 


5 


692 


4 


sio 


9 


1.002 


29. Fairfield - do. 


5 


766 






5 


766 


30. New York (New York) 


1528 


374,602 


'481J 


9l',663 


2,008 


465,665 


31. Sag Harbor do 


18 


5,317 






18 


5,317 


32. Cajie Vincent do. 


588 


111,295 


'467 


86',929 


1,055 


198,224 


33. Champlain do. 


201 


31.203 


.... 


.... 


201 


31,203 


34. Oswegatchie do. 


282 


49,570 


'349 


44,195 


631 


93,765 


35. Sackets Harbor do. 


167 


33,575 




.... 


167 


33,575 


36. Oswego - do. 


248 


27,364 


"293 


61,873 


541 


89,237 


37. Genessee - do. 


46 


9,724 


141 


19,721 


187 


S9,445 


38. Iv;i:igara - do. 


69 


17.8.50 


157 


49,.52t) 


226 


67,376 


39. Buffalo - do. 


214 


15,673 


66 


4,268 


280 


19,941 


40. Ninvark (N^ew Jersey) 


3 


621 


1 


'J27 


4 


748 


41. Peith AmI.oy do. 


1 


118 






1 


118 


42. Philadelphia (Pennsylvania) 


348 


68,177 


"68 


10,816 


416 


78,993 


43. Baltimore (Maryland) 


265! 


47,901 


61 


15,5-2 


326 


63,423 


44. Snow Hill do. 


1 


53 






1 


53 


45. Georgetown (Dist. Columbia 


2 


2o9 


■'*3 


'314 


5 


583 


46. Alexandria do. 


27 


5,314 


6 


799 


33 


6,113 


47. Norfolk (Virginia) 


55 


7,3C9 


77 


ll,8.i9 


132 


19,208 


48. Richmond do. 


12 


2,888 


1 


329 


13 


3,217 


49. Petersburg do. 


12 


4,617 






12 


4,617 


60. Tappahannock do. 


3 


322 






3 


322 


51. East River do. 


1 


81 




.... 


1 


81 


52. Cherrystone do. 


«, 


459 




.... 


6 


459 


53. Wilmington (N.Carolina) 


841 


11,796 


"24 


2,733 


108 


14,529 


54. Ncwhern - do. 


20 


2,011 


1 


97 


21 


2,108 


55. Camileii - do. 


30 


2,608 




.... 


30 


2,608 


56, Edentown - do. 


2 


187 


..'.'. 




2 


187 


57. Plymouth - do. 
.58. Washington - do. 


2 


139 


'.'/.'. 




2 


139 


18 


2,277 


""5 


'266 


28 


2,543 


.59. Beaufort - do. 


2 


229 


.... 


.... 


2 


229 


60. Ocracoke - do. 


2 


262 




137 


3 


399 


61. Charle.slon (S. Carolina) 


115 


22,466 


127 


30,938 


242 


53,404 


62. Savannah (Georgia) 


48 


10,448 


85 


25,429 


133 


35,877 


63. Brunswick do. 


6 


1,019 


3 


372 


9 


1,391 


64. Key West (Florida) 


159 


6,000 


4 


830 


163 


6,830 


65. Pensacoia do. 


10 


1,428 






10 


1,428 


66. Mobrle( Alabama) 


75 


16,834 


"42 


14,0.56 


117 


30,884 


67. Mississippi (Louisiana) 


518 


97,6r0 


316 


58,690 


834 


1.56,370 


68. Cuyahoga (Ohio) 


19 


1,061 


75 


3,757 


94 


4,818 


69. Sandusky do. 


2 


70 


9 


744 


11 


814 


70. Detroit (Michigan) 

Total 


29| 


1,114 


17 


617 


46 


1,731 


7,0231 


1,352,653 


4,269 


641,310 


11,292 


1,993,963 



272 



AMERICAN MANUFACTURER. 



The Foreign Tonnage, Vessels and Crews were dis- 
tributed as follows. 



1 


No of 


No. of 


Crews. 


No. of 

vessels 


No. of 


Flaff. 


vessels 


tons. 






tons 


■*- '^"■b 


enter'd 




Men. 


Boys. 


clear'd 




British 


3,682 


529,922 


32,575 


1,101 


3,650 


523,417 


French 


65 


14,457 


775 


13 


57 


14,354 


Spanish 
Hanseatic 


162 


24,497 


1,761 


•25 


177 


26;245 


95 


28,218 


1,304 


12 


98 


28,421 


1 Swedish 


64 


15,661 


780 


7 


56 


13,479 


[Danish 


18 
17 


3,570 


175 


•6 


17 


3,186 


Dutch 


3,112 


162 


2 


12 


2,148 


Russian 


1 


250 


12 


- - 


1 


330 


Prussian 


5 


1,272 


59 


- - 


4 


942 


Austrian 


9 


3,125 


154 


- - 


7 


2,509 


Portuguese 


5 


511 


43 


- - 


7 


917 


Belgic 


3 


980 


42 




3 


979 


Grecian 


1 


321 


16 


2 


1 


321 


Tuscan 


1 


205 


10 


— 


— 


— 


Sardinian 


3 


689 


45 




2 


414 


Sicilian 


5 


•1,078 


65 


2 


7 


1,228 


Haytien 


1 


139 


6 


— 


— 


— 


Mexican 


123 


11,057 


1,177 


- - 


122 


10,531 


Central American 


1 


80 


5 


— 


— 




Brazilian 


4 


663 


38 


_ 


5 


845 


Columbian 


4 


503 


31 




3 


402 


Buenos Ayrian 
Total 


- 




- - 


- - 


1 


156 


4,269 


641,310 


39,235 


1,170 


4,230 


630,824 



The manufactures of the United States have kept equal 
pace with the extension of commerce. The states of 
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey 
have taken the lead ; but the same spirit of enterprise is 
manifesting itself in every quarter of the Union. Amer- 
ica possesses all the requisites of a manufacturing coun- 
try — water, coal, and a highly ingenious inventive popu- 
lation. Wages are higher, and coal and iron dearer than 
in England ; but the taxes are,lower, living cheaper, and 
raw material, especially cotton, hemp, flax, alkalies for 
glass, hides and tanuing matter, obtained at a less rate in 
the country. The water-power of the United States, 
moreover, exceeds that of all other countries in the world, 
and is a cheap substitute for steam ; and the increasing 
coal-pits in Pennsylvania and Virginia will soon yield fu^ 



AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 



273 



el for warming buildings at nearly as cheap a rate as in 
England. Besides, the mineral resources of the country 
are scarcely known ; and from the number of iron mines 
and coal-pits, which are already in successful operation, 
the conclusion is but natural that many more will be dis- 
covered, as the increasing scarcity of wood will direct the 
attention of the people to this source of national wealth.* 
Large coal mines have recently been discovered in Ohio 
and Kentucky ; and the attempt to use anthracite coal on 
board of steamboats has already been made, and succeed- 
ed: but in proportion as American coal is capable of tak- 
ing the place of the English, the Americans vvill become 
independent also in this respect of the mother country. 

The progress of manufacture is most powerfully sec- 
onded by the inventive genius of the people. The daily 
improvements in machinery and the mechanic arts are 

* " Copper is found from Ouisconsin to the falls of St. Anthony's, on 
the shores of Lake Superior, in such abundance and purity, that the 
Indians make hatchets and ornaments from it. The whole region of 
the upper Mississippi is mineral, abounding in lead and copper ore." — 
Missouri Advocate. 

The American gold region was not known till 1824 ; but the sub- 
joined table, from the " American Almanac and Repository of Useful 
Knowledge," which was compiled from official documents, will show 
the amount of gold obtained from it, from 1824 to 1834 inclusive. 



Year. 

1824 
1825 
1826 
1827 
1828 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 
1833 
1834 

Total 


Virginia. 


North 
Carolina. 


South 
Carolina. 


Georgia. 


Ten- 

nessee. 


Ala- 
bama. 


Total. 


Dols. 

2,500 
24,000 
26,000 
34,000 
104,000 
62,000 


Dols. 
5,000 

17,000 

20,000 

21,000 

46,000 

134,000 

204,000 

294,000 

•458,000 

475,000 

380,000 


Dols. 

2,500 
26,000 
22,000 
45,000 
66,000 
38,000 


Dols. 

212,000 
176,000 
140,000 
216,000 
415,000 


Dols. 

1,000 
1,000 
7,000 
3,000 


Dols. 
1,000 


Dols. 

5,000 

17,000 

20,000 

21,000 

46,000 

139,000 

466,000 

520,000 

678,000 

868,000 

898,000 


252,500 


2,054,000 


199,500 


1,159,000 


12,000 


1,000 


3,679,000 



274 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 

equalled in no other country, and show the natural adap- 
tation of the Americans to every thing based on the com- 
putation of numbers. In this consists the practical math- 
ematical talent which every American possesses " by intui- 
tion," and which renders him, instinctively, a calcidating 
merchant, an ingenious mechanic, an able navigator, and 
an inventive manufacturer. His mind is constantly occu- 
pied with some plan or enterprise ; and, being naturally 
inclined to investigation, he discovers daily new means of 
creating and increasing capital, improving trade, and con- 
structing machines to diminish the amount of manualla- 
bor. The high price of labor is an additional 'premium on 
successfid inventions^ and the facilities of navigation and 
water-power indicate to him sufficiently the proper direc- 
tion of his efforts. 

The opinion of those who maintain that the high wages 
in the United States must, for a longtime yet, retard the 
progress of manufactures, is practically refuted by the 
number of flourishing establishments, which are constant- 
ly springing up in every part of the country ; and, more 
especially, by the profits realised by their projectors, the 
number of hands which they furnish with employment, 
and the general prosperity of all who are directly or in- 
directly interested in their success. 

That there was a time when the manufactures of Amer- 
ica were in a critical state, is as well known in England 
as in America; but then they were in their infancy, with- 
out experience or knowledge of the business in which 
they had engaged, and from the large profits realised at 
the commencement of their operations, tempted to in- 
crease their activity to a degree which was disproportion- 
ate with the consumption. They consequently glutted the 
market, and having, at the same time, to compete with 
large importations from Europe, saw their profits at once 
diminished beyond the possibility of continuing the busi- 
ness. Many of them failed, and others were nearly re- 
duced to the same situation. But there were, neverthe- 
less, a considerable number of those who possessed suf- 
ficient capital to escape from the period of trial ; and 
there are few who have not profited by the experience of 
former years, and become more prudent and cautious iq 
their operations. 



PROGRESS OF MANUFACTURES IN THE U. S. 



275 



Another objection made to the progress of American 
manufactures, was the necessity of their being protected 
by a high and oppressive tariff, which was thought to op- 
erate so unequally and unjustly in the different states 
that, at one time, it threatened to sever the union. This 
tariff has since been modified ; the protection offered by it 
to many articles of manufacture, has been diminished by 
more than one half; and what is the consequence? — an 
increase of production, and a general prosperity amongst 
manufacturers, at a period which proved the severest trial 
to every species of trade and commerce. American man- 
ufactures are no longer confined to the domestic market ; 
they have found the way to South America, the East and 
West Indies, and even to China. Their progress is as- 
sisted by the increasing navigation of the United States, 
and by theliberal and enterprising spirit of the merchants. 
But there is a set of sceptics who will listen to nothing 
that is not proved mathematically ; and to those no ap- 
peal can avail unless it be made in numbers. Numbers 
are universally allowed to contain the most positive argu- 
ment ; and I cannot hesitate, therefore, to submit to the 
unbelievers of whatever country, the subjoined statements 
taken from official documents placed before the Congress 
of the United States at the first session of the twenty- 
fourth Congress, March 4th, 1836, by Levi Woodbury, 
Esq., Secretary of the Treasury. 

Table, shoioing the Exports of Cotton Manufactures of the 
United States to different parts of the world. 





To 


To India 


To 


To the 


Years. 


S. America 


and 


China. 


West Indies. 




and Mexico. 


Africa. 








vaJme in dots. 


valiie in dots. 


value in dols. 


value in dols. 


1826 


900,000 


10,000 


14,000 


99^00 


1827 


.900,000 


13,000 


9,000 


66,000 


1828 


800,000 


22,000 


14,900 


46,000 


1829 


1,800,000 


37,000 


26,000 


49,000 


1830 


1,000,000 


75,000 


56,000 


47,000 


1831 


900,000 


66,000 


49,000 


41,000 


1832 


900,000 


83,000 


88,000 


53,000 


1833 


1,900,000 


120,000 


215,000 


86,000 


1834 


1,500,000 


186,000 


152,000 


127,000 



276 PROGRESS OF MANUFACTURES IN THE U. S. 

The yearly value of cotton manufactures in the United 
States was, in 1815, twenty-four millions of dollars, but, 
in 1832, it had increased to thirty millions, and during 
the following five years it has further increased by $17,- 
500,000, the aggregate amount being 147,500,000, or 
9,500.000 pounds sterling. The capital employed in 
manufactures in 1815, was forty millions ; but in 1835, 
eighty millions of dollars; increase in twenty years 100 
per cent.* The augmentation in the growth of cotton, 
and its exportation to Europe and other parts of the 
world is still more remarkable, as will be seen from the 
following table, also taken from the official documents 
of the Secretary of the Treasury. 

* It must not be forgotten that the most imfortunate period of Amer- 
ican manufactures followed immediately the conclusion of the late war 
with England; and that in the years 1817, 1818, and 1819 fewer hands 
were employed in manufactures than during the previous years. 



a> 

'c 



a? 

2 
o 

H 
O 

C4-4 

o 

CO 

O 

z 
;3 
o 
Ph 



« 2 



c o — 
02 *- 



i> CO 

o 10 



M 10^0 ^»o Tf^oi^cc r^ X, CO ^ ^- 

CO l-^ O O O" (?i «" go" CO o'cT CO cc 
COC^OCl'^t^OCOTt^iCiOtOO 



^ CO 

o o 

r>r-o 

Ci ^ 

GO Oi 



OOD 

1 i^ o 

--HO 
Tf O 

1—1 "^ 



i> »0 iO 

00 :o C5 

CO C^l CO 

o 10 »o 

10 CO o 
O C^ CO 



CO Ci 1— I 
10 1-1 



— ' Tt* O? Ci 05 

'X O O O i- 
»0^ 10 GO ^ CO 
LO''co"cft>-'"(M'" 
»0 iO Ci i^ -H 
O CO (M 10 o 

c^f of of 



00 Ci 
CO GO 

— i^ 

0^ T-< 



Tt^ GO CO 
— I O C5 

10 '-H^t^ 

cTco^r-" 

GO 00 10 

CO CO GO 

co" c o" co" 

^ rt< i^ 

o 10 ^ 
0?_ CO o? 

co'~o'-^'~ 

GO GO i^ 

« o 



f^ iO 
'-gi CO 

r- 

CO'co'^ 

01 — I 



^ OJ 

t^ GO 
t^ 10 

^ GO 



o? o 10 t^ 

O^ O! Ci Tt< 
-^^ CO GO^ -^ 

10 O of GO 
i^ t^ ^ GO 

O^GO CO i> 

-{T^CO^of 



»0 O O? -H 
i> O -H O 
t- O CO O 



^ GO 
GO i-^ 



-^ t^ »0> CO 
CO O O '^ 

CO r-^ GO 05 



O? Oi — — ( CO T}< 



0^ 05 


•2? 

a) 




CO 

1 



o5 
of 

CO 



00 10 CO 
05 i^ — 
O_00 O?^ 

10' co" go" 

JlO 00 10 
10 G< t^ 

of 



t^ Ci 

CO y^ 

of 00 
Ci t^ 

GO 00 



Holland 

and 
Belgium. 


cpGOGOCOLOCiOXt^COCiCOCOO>. 00 
Ci^^t^OiCOOGOCOCilO — tOOiO 

q, 01, 10^ Ci^ 0?^ ^^ ^^ cl CO S CO ^\ ^ CO 

CO 0" 0" of 0' of ^ 10 '-^ G-r 0" CO CO '^ 
QC«::M5-^*^^GOOiCOi:-Ol<-CiCi 
'pH050"^'^iOGOi^iO>0'CiCiCO^CO 
rf — " TiT 1^ 'rf lo" CO Ci" GO CO of CO lo" 


1 


Ci 00 »0 rt ^f ^ ^ CO CO 10 — 10 ^ ^ 
GOOOi^^COCOOCiXr^COiO^CiO 
COt^COCOCiO^^l^OOCOi^Cirf'stQO 
^"^ co" Ci" ^" co" 10" t-^ Ci" i-^ ^ ^ go" t>." 0" rfT 
O^OOCOi— '^^OH^COCO^COt^ 
CO i> CO iO ^ p-^ CO 0? i-< i- 00 ^ 0?^Ci 





cooooocoooooooooco 
cooooocoooooooooco 

CO^O 0^0 CO^ 0^ 0_© CO 

co"o ©" o"o" co" cT 0" ©"o 0" 0" 0" co" 
cooooocoooooootooco 

CO 10 CO »J0^ to 0^ t^ Ci CO 

i:^ ^ »0 G-f 0" co" i^ to" 00 id CO Ci" 
OlOtO^'^COCOi-tOCOL^^t-t^J>0 

1—1 


England. 


000000000000000 
000000000000000 
0^0 000000000000 
0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 0" 

OOOOOOOtOOOOiOtOtOO 
t00i0^0000i>00»00^t^00 

co" ^" of of -^ t>r ^ iC ^ 10" t-^ t-" co" of 

C50-?fCi-*CO^tOlO — OF-iO?COtO 
^— , ^ — O^^i-O^OJO^oiC^OJ 


1 


O?C<(O?OIOtO?0^OIOlC0WC0C0WCO 



24 



278 CAPITAL INVESTED IN COTTON. 

The whole cotton crop of 1835 was estimated at four 
hundred and eighty milhons of pounds, growing on up- 
wards of two millions of acres. The capital invested in 
the growing of cotton was estimated at eight hundred 
millions of dollars, or one hundred and sixty millions 
pounds sterling. The whole amount of capital, therefore, 
invested in the growth and manufacture of cotton, amount- 
ed, in that year, to eight hundred and eighty millions of 
dollars.* 

In 1816 an official report made to Congress showed 
that forty millions of dollars capital were invested in cot- 
ton manufactures, ai.d twelve millions in woollen. It was 
stated also that the whole amount of cotton consumed in 
the United States did not exceed 90,000 bales, and the 
value of the goods manufactured did not amount to more 
than sixty millions of dollars. At present the manufac- 
tures of all kinds amount annually to two hundred and fif- 
ty millions of dollars, of which more than twenty-five 
milllions are exported, and the rest consumed in the 
countty.t 

I will now subjoin some tables from " Pitkins's Statis- 
tics," showing the progress of cotton manufactures in 
twelve states ; but especially in that of New York, and 
the town of Lowell, in the state of Massachusetts. This 
town, it must be remembered, has only become the seat of 
manufacturing establishments within the last fourteen 
years ; but is now connected by a railroad with the city 

* To this the official document remarks: — "One of the beneficial ef- 
fects of our present active cultivation of cotton is, that while it yields 
the greatest agricultural profits in proportion to the capital in land and 
stock, it has a sure tendency to diminish the quantities of rice, tt^bacco, 
indigo, grain, andcatile raised in the cotton districts in America, and 
keeps up the price of those articles in a manner highly favorable to 
those who raise them. The moderate quantity of rice produced in 1801 
and 1802 is a positiv^e evidence of this profitable truth. The North 
American rice is of the best class. The body of our rice planters raise 
but three quarter crops from their attention to cotton. Having so much 
less to sell, the market is not glutted. The price is consequently not low. 
It is favorable. The growers of Indian corn in the southern states 
have also turned to raising cotton. Hence Indian corn and pork are ev- 
ery where better supported in price to the general benefit of owr farm- 
ers. Much corn will go from counties out of the cotton district to coun- 
ties in the cotton district, for sale and consumption. So will fish, and 
all eatables and drinkables." 

t Historv of the Rise and Progress of Manufactures, bv George S, 
White. ^ . ^ 



STATISTICS OF MANUFACTURES. 



279 



of Boston, and employs a capital of five millions four 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars in the manufacture of 
cotton goods. 

Tabular View of the Cotton Manufactures in 12 of the 
American States in 1831. 




N. B. The state of Pennsylvania includes five hundred thousand 
dollars, and Delaware one hundred and sixty-two thousand dollars for 
the capital employed in hand-looms. The cotton consumed amounted 
to 77,757,316 lbs., 214,822 bales of the average 3G1_8_6^ 

The following Table contains the price and distribution of labor. 



States. 


IS 


. 


II- 


Wages of 

males per 

week. 


13 


Wages of 
females per 
week. 


il 






"1 




dls. cts. 




dls. cts. 




dls. cts. 


Maine 


8 91 


84 


5 50 


205 


2 33 


— 


— 


N. Hampshire 


40 3,530 


875 


6 25 


4,090 


2 60 


60 


2 


Vermont 


17 


352 


102 


5 


363 


1 84 


19 


1 40 


Massachusetts 


256 


8,981 


2,665 


7 


10,678 


2 25 


— 


— 


Rhode Island 


116 


5,773 


1,731 


4 25 


3,297 


2 20 


3,472 


1 50 


Connecticut 


94 


2,609 


1,399 


4 50 


2,477 


2 20 


439 


1 50 


New York 


112 


3,653 


1,374 


6 


3,652 


1 90 


484 


1 40 


New Jersey 


51 


815 


2,151 


6 


3.070 


1 90 


217 


1 40 


Pennsylvania 


67 


6,301 


6,545 


6 


8,351 


2 


— 




Delaware 


10 


235 


697 


5 


676 


2 


— 




Maryland 


23 


1,002 


824 


3 87 


1,793 


1 91 


— 


— 


Virginia 


' 


91 


143 


2 73 


275 

38,297 


1 58 


4,691 




Total 


801 '33,433 


18,560 



280 



STATISTICS OF MANUFACTURES 



The Cotton Manufactures in the State of New York, 
as stated in Williams's 'New York Annual Register for 
1835, were as follows : 





^ 




a 


lb 




li 


o " = 


Counties. 


o 


o 
1-3 

II 

Dolls. 


O c 

a 

'T3 


11! 




!3| = 


III 
III 












Oneida 


20 


735,500 


31,596 


1,705.290 


175,080 5,273,200 


2,354 


Renselaer 


15 


525,000 


16,606 


854,300 


147,110 2,790,315 


1,621 


Dutchess 


12 


445,000 


17,090 


833,000 


185,500 1,952,000 


1,974 


Otsego 


11 


304,000 


15,344 


618.543 


56,000 


2,322,000 


1,077 


Columbia 


7 


218,000 


13,260 


559,000 


199,000 


1,150,400 


1,265 


Westchester 


5 


115,000 


9,400 


486,000 


438,000 


- 


280 


Washington 


5 


100,000 


3,(;06 


168,800 


33,500 


717,650 


275 


Herkimer 


5 


35.000 


- 2,290 


106,237 


33,500 


209,912 


128 


Saratoga 


4 


144 ,000' 5,752 


270,000 




1,210,660 


460 


Jefferson 


3 


170,000 ; 6,020 


327,000 


22,600 


1,004,720 


595 


Ulster 


3 


140,000] 5,796 


410,000 


330,000 


115,001) 


475 


Orange 


3 


135,0001 4,200 


251,000 


4,000 


740,000 


460 


Madison 


3 


30.000 1,998 


35,000 


31,500 


- 


35 


Tompkins 


3 


28,000| 812 


55,500 


1,000 


199,063 


97 


Onondaga 


2 


62,000; 2,100 


125,000 


5,000 


460,000 


225 


Monroe 


2 


55,0001 2,648 


208,000 


105,000 


300,000 


320 


Clinton 


2 


16,000 


. 884 


25,000 


- 


100,000 


70 


Rockland 


1 


100,000 


3,500 


200,000 


40,000 


460,000 


500 


Schenectady 


1 


77,000, 2,000 1 


118,000 


20,000 


416,000 


200 


Chenango 


1 


75,000 


4,474 


200,000 


- 


800,000 


225 


Seneca 


1 


70,000 


4,000 


190,000 


- 


550,000 


150, 


Cayuga 


1 


70,000 


2,692 


180,000 


8,000 


180,000 


138 


Franklin 


1 


10,000 

















Suffolk 


1 


10,000 


576 


30,000 


33,000 
1,867,790 


21,010,920 


30 


Total 


112 


3.669,500 


I57,316'7,96],670 


12,954 



It will be perceived from this table that the number of 
persons supported by manufactures in the state of New 
York, the most commercial state in the Union, and com- 
prising immense agricultural districts, amounted, never- 
theless, in 1832 to more than three fifths per cent, of the 
whole population, which at that period was estimated 
at two millions nearly. 

The valuation of property in that state, from the 
comptroller's report of January, J835, was as follows: 
Real estate - - ' 350,346,043 dollars. 
Personal estate - - 108,331,941 



Total 



458,677,984 



The capital invested in manufactures amounted there- 
fore to III, or nearly one per cent., and with the increase 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 281 

since 1831, amounts now, probably, to more than two per 
cent, of the whole assessed property of the state. 
The whole bank stock of that state was as follows: 

State banks - - 31,481,460 dollars. 

Savings' bank - - 3,855,517 



Total - 35,336,977 



But the amount of capital invested in manufactures, 
allowing but ten per cent, increase since 1831, (which I 
think rather small, considering the vastness of manufac- 
turing enterprise throughout the Union,) was probably 
more than 4,000,000 of dollars, and consequently nearly 
one eighth of all the capital invested in banking. 

But what is the estimate of the state of New York 
compared to that of Massachusetts ! The whole popula- 
tion of this state is not much more than 600,000, and the 
number of males and females employed in manufactures 
may now be estimated at 15,000, making 2J per cent, of 
the whole population, or one person out of forty engaged 
in manufactures. The valuation of property in that state 
was, in 1831, 208,236,250 dollars, (of which the city of 
Boston furnished more than 80,000,000;) but the capital 
invested, at that time, in manufactures, was 12,891,000 
or 13,000,000 dollars nearly. The ratio, therefore, was 
more than six per cent, of the whole assessed property of 
the state ; and it has increased since that period. The 
bank capital of the state was reported (in 1834) to be 
29,409,450 dollars. Allowing the capital invested in 
manufactures to have increased since 1831 only by ten 
per cent., we may estimate it as something more than 
14,000,000 of dollars ; which would make the property 
invested in manufactures equal to nearly one half of the 
banking capital in the state. The statistics of a single 
town, — that of Lowell, — will show the unprecedented 
increase of manufactures in that state, 
34^ 



282 



STATISTICS OF MANUFACTURES 



Lowell Cotton Manufactories. 
(From Pilkins's Statistics, 1831.) 





, ^ . 


1 Fem.l 


» 


Yards , Bales j 


Companiea. 


Capital. 
Dolls. 


s 


Spin- 
dles. 


J 


em- 
ply'd 


c3 


per 
week. 


per 
week. 








1,500.000 


5 


26,000 1,000 


1,200 


500 


125,000 


86 




800,000 


•6 


15,000 


500 


700 


200 


70,000 


65 


Api)leton 
Lowell 


500,000 


2 


9,500 


350 


475 


60 


80,000 


86 


500,000 


1 


4,000 


132 


200 


175 


42,000 


58 


Suffolk 


450,000 


y 


10,000 


352 


475 


60 


90,000 


86 


Tremont 


500,000 


2 


10,000 


410 


475 


60 


120,000 


86 


Lawrence 


1,200,000 


4 


23.000 


750 


1,050 


100 


170,000 


160 


Total 


5,450 000 


19 


97,500 


3,494[4,.575 


1,155 


697,000 


627 



Thus, one small town employed, in 1831, nearly 6000 
persons in cotton manufactures alone, and produced more 
than two-thirds of a million of yards per week, or about 
thirty-six millions of yards per annum. Of these, eight 
millions were printed; and including these (which sold 
at from 10 to 28 cents — b\d. to 15fZ. — per yard,) the 
whole may be estimated at 10 cents per yard ; making 
3,600,000 dollars, or .£720,000 sterling ^er annum. 

The different periods at which these companies were 
incorporated show sufficiently the rapid increase of 
manufacture in that town. 



The Merrimack Company ) ^^^ commenced 
was incorporated in ) 





Hamilton 


- 


- 1825 




Appleton 


- 


- 1828 




Lowell 


- 


- 1828 




Suffolk - 


- 


- 1830 




Tremont - 


. 


- 1830 




Lawrence 


. 


- 1830 



1S23. 

1825. 
1828. 
1828. 
1832. 
1832. 
1833. 



But in 1835 (as appears from a letter dated Lowell, 
April 20th, 1835, inserted in White's "History of Manu- 
factures") the Merrimack company had increased the 
number of its spindles to 34,432, and that of its looms to 
1253; they employed 1321 females, 437 males, and 
manufactured 172,000 yards per week. The Hamilton 
company had increased their spindles to 19,000, and the 
number of looms to 600 ; they employed 800 females and 
200 males, and manufactured 78,000 yards of prints and 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 283 

drillings per week. The Appleton company had increas- 
ed the number of spindles by 1500 ; the Lowell company 
by more than 500; and the Suffolk company by 250, in 
the space of three years. 

There were, besides, incorporated a "Locks and 
Canals company," with a capital of 600,000 dollars, for 
supplying water-power to the various manufacturing es- 
tablishments ; (this company had an extensive machine 
shop, for the manufactory of cotton and woollen machine- 
ry, railroad cars, engines, &c., and employed 200 men,) 
and the Middlesex company with 500,000 dollars for the 
manufacture of broadcloths and cassimeres. The latter 
consumed annually 470,000 lbs. of wool, and 1,500,000 
teasels. They ran two mills, 3120 spindles, 98 looms, 
and gave employment to 240 females and 145 males; 
making 6000 yards of cloth per week.* The same com- 
pany have since enlarged their business so as to manufac- 
ture, additio?iall7/ , 5Qi) yards of satinet per day; using 
upwards of 2000 lbs. of wool per day. 

The above establishments consumed annually 11,239 
tons of anthracite coal, 4750 cords of wood, and 50,549 
gallons of oil. The total amount of cloth made was be- 
tween thirty-nine and forty millions of yards, and the 
amount of cotton used, between twelve and thirteen mil- 
lions of pounds. The bleacheries used 310,000 lbs. of 
starch, 380 barrels of flour, and 500,000 bushels of coal 
per annum. The wages amounted to 22,500 dollars, or 
c£4,500 sterling per week. 

This is the progress of manufactures in a single town 
of 15,000 inhabitants ; and similar improvements have 
taken place in the establishments at Smithfield, Paw- 
tucket, Fall River, Slaterville, Greenville, Cabotsville, 
Paterson,t Newark, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, Lancaster, 
Philadelphia, &c. 

* In 1805 all the woollen manufactures in the United Stales could 
not furnish 6,000 blankets for the use of the army ! — White's History of 
Manufactures. 

t "This town contained (1827) already fifteen cotton manufactories, 
with 24,000 spindles; two factories of canvass with 1,644 spindles, em- 
ploying 1450 persons, whose annual wages amounted to 224,123 dollars. 
The town contained also extensive machine-shops and iron works. It 
consumed annually 620,000 lbs. of flax, and 6000 bales of cotton; spun 
1,630,000 lbs. of cotton yarn, 430,000 lbs. of linen yarn; produced 630,000 



284 



AMERICAN COAL-PITS, 



The water-power of these places is, as yet, far from 
being employed to one half, or even one fourth of the 
extent to which it is capable of being used in manufac- 
tures ; and there is, besides, a vast amount of power in 
other places which is entirely disused. The water-power 
of the town of Lowell (the manufacturing establishments 
of which I have just described) is capable of propelling 
more than one hundred times the present machinery ; 
that of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, is almost inexhaustible, 
(the town being built on the river Susquehanna ;) and 
the same may be said of the water-power of all the 
manufacturing establishments in the neighborhood of the 
large rivers. Whatever advantages Great Britain may, 
at this moment, enjoy over the United States with regard 
to the cheapness of coal, America possesses in the multi- 
tude of her streams, rivulets, and waterfalls, the most 
efficient means of propelling machinery at a cheaper rate 
than can be procured in any other country. 

As an appendix to the foregoing, I shall here subjoin a 
table which was attached to a report made by Mr. Parker, 
to the senate of the state of Pennsylvania, on the 4th of 
March, 1835, showing the amount of anthracite coal, 
mined and brought to the market, in each year from the 
year 1820 to the year 1834, inclusive. 











Total No. 


Year. 


Lehigh. 


Schuylkill. 


Lackawana 


of Tons. 


1820 


365 


- _ - 


_ _ _ 


365 


1821 


1,073 


- _ - 


- . - 


1,073 


1822 


2/^10 


- _ - 


_ - - 


2,240 


1823 


5,823 




. . - 


5,823 


1824 


9,541 


_ _ . 


- . . 


9,541 


1825 


28,393 


5,306 


- - - 


33,699 


1826 


31,280 


16,835 


- _ - 


48,115 


1827 


32,074 


29,492 


- _ - 


61,567 


1828 


30,232 


47,181 


_ - - 


77,413 


1829 


25.110 


78,293 


70,000 


1^,403 


1830 


41.750 


89,984 


42,000 


173,734 


1831 


40;965 


81,854 


54,000 


176,819 


1832 


75,000 


209,271 


84,500 


368,771 


1833 


121,000 


250,588 


111,777 


486,365 


1834 


106,244 


226,692 


43,700 


376,636 



yards of cotton and linen duck, 3,354,000 yards of cotton cloth, and ex- 
ported 796,000 yards of yarn; and new manufactories were then build- 
ing." — Report of the Society for estoMisMng useful manufactories irh Neio 
J«riey. 



AMERICAN TRADE. 285 

This table evidently exhibits the increasing facilities 
even as regards coal, and these added to the water-power, 
must render America one of the first manufacturing na- 
tions of the world. The only difficulty, then, consists in 
the comparatively high wages now given in the United 
States; but this is an objection which the increased com- 
petition of every succeeding year has a natural tendency 
to remove, and is therefore, of itself, incapable of pre- 
venting America from becoming, in this respect also, the 
successful rival of Europe, 

But it is not only the large manufacturing establish- 
ment, but also the grand manufacturing scale on which 
most of the mechanic arts are exercised in the United 
States which merits particular attention. It is the pecu- 
liar genius of the American people to excel in all kind of 
trade ; and there is scarcely an article which does not 
furnish them with new means of exercising their inge- 
nuity. Thus a large trade is carried on, by the people 
of New England, in painted chairs, which are sent by 
thousands all over the United States, and exported also 
to South America and to the West Indies. The shoe 
trade of some of the towns in the neighborhood of Boston 
is hardly less remarkable, the value of nearly tvvo millions 
of dollars having been manufactured last year, and sent 
to the west alone. The state of Connecticut possesses 
the most extensive wooden clock manufactories in the 
world — affording them at about half the price of those 
made in the Black Forest. The glass manufactories of 
New England, Pennsylvania and Maryland, produce not 
only some of the finest specimens of pressed and cut 
glass, but carry on an extensive trade with South Ameri- 
ca and the West India islands. The gun manufactories 
of Lancaster, and the steel manufactories of Paterson, are 
established on a large scale ; the manufactories of paper 
and iron ware have long since competed with the impor- 
tations from England ; and the bronze manufactories of 
Philadelphia bid fair to rival those of Birmingham. 



286 



AMERICAN TRADE. 



The following Table, taken from Williams's "New 
York State Register," will exhibit a Summary of Man- 
ufactures in that State, according to the Census 
of 1S35 : 







Value of raw 


Value 




Num- 


materials used 


of 




ber. 


and 


manufactured 






manufactured. 


Articles. 




Dollars. 


Dollars. 


Grist mills 


2,051 


17,687,009 


20,140,435 


Saw mills 


6,948 


3,651,153 


6,881,055 


Oil mills 


71 


214,813 


275,574 


Fulling mills 


965 


1,994,491 


2,894,096 


Carding machines 


1,061 


2,179,414 


2,651,638 


Cotton manufactories - 


111 


1,630,352 


3,030,709 


Woollen manufactories 


234 


1,450,825 


2,433,192 


Iron works 


293 


2,366,065 


4,349,949 


Trip hammers 


141 


168,896 


363,581 


Distilleries 


337 


2,278,420 


3,098,042 


Asheries 


693 


434,394 


726,418 


Glass manufactories - 


13 


163,312 


448,559 


Rope do.- 


63 


664,394 


980,083 


Chain cable do. 


2 


20,871 


28,625 


Oil cloth do. 


24 


63,119 


95,646 


Dyeing and printing do. 


15 


1,999,000 


2,465,600 


Clover mills 


69 


95,693 


110,025 


Paper mills - 


70 


358,857 


685,784 


Tanneries 


412 


3,563,592 


5,598,626 


Breweries 


94 


916,252 


1,381,446 



This is but the statistics of manufactories in one state ; 
but New England and Pennsylvania are in this respect 
powerful rivals of New York, and, of late, large manu- 
factories have also been established in the western states, 
and in the northern districts of Virginia. 

The book trade, and especially that of school-books, is 
almost wholly monopolized by the eastern states; the 
hundreds of thousands of " arithmetics," "geographies," 
" grammars," and "spelling-books," which are annually 
printed and consumed^ surpassing, by far the number of 



SCHOOL-BOOK TRADE. 287 

similar publications in Europe.* Large fortunes have 
been realised by the authors and publishers of these 
books, and their success has invited others to follow their 
example. 

I believe I am correct in introducing this subject under 
the head " manufactures and commerce ;" because the 
making of school-books in the United States partakes 
more of the enterprising spirit of trade, tlian of the timid 
scrupulousness of literature ; and the sale of them is only 
inferior to that of "bread-stuffs, and beef" Nothing is 
left undone, by the authors and venders of these books, to 
procure an extensive sale of a commodity so useful to the 
minds of the young; teachers and school committees are 
furnished gratis with every new work which issues from 
the press ; and whole editions are given away to schools, 
to procure the introduction of a book. In order that both 
author and vender may be as much as possible interested 
in the sale, the copyright, instead of being bought by the 
bookseller, (as is done in most parts of Europe,) is dis- 
posed of for a per-centage on the profits, which on school- 
books averages from five to ten per cent, on the nominal 
retail price of the work. The author or compiler is thus 
paid according to the success of his book, and the pub- 
lisher risks only the expenses of printing and publishing 
the first edition. Hence an American author, the moment 
he has written a school-book which promises to be largely 
introduced, commences his peregrinations to the western 
andsouthern states, in order, by his personal influence and 
reputation, to support the merits of his work ; and per- 
haps, also, to earn a commission on the sale of it. The 
whole is considered as a commercial transaction ; and the 
immense competition of authors and publishers has had a 
decidedly happy influence on the merits and low prices 
of American school-books. There are several book-selling 
establishments in Boston and Philadelphia, trading al- 
together in school-books ; and I am quite certain, that 
their joint sales of elementary works alone, amount to 
more than a million of dollars per annum. I have seen 

* These books being generally printed on bad cotton paper wear out 
so rapidly, that it is by no means unfrequent for children to change 
them several times in 'the course of a year. 



288 MECHANIC ARTS. 

the sixtieth edition of an arithmetic ; the fiftieth of a 
geography, the seventieth or eightieth of a spelling-book, 
and Heaven knows how many editions of " Peter Parley."* 
In the mechanic arts the Americans are the successful 
imitators of the English; which accounts for their being 
already superior, in most of them, to the French and Ger- 
mans. Furniture is made in Philadelphia, Boston, and 
New York, much better than in any part of the continent 
of Europe, Paris itself not excepted; and the New Eng- 
land " rocking-chairs," the ne plus ultra of all comforts in 
the shape of furniture, have acquired an European repu- 
tation. It is not so much the elegance as the excellent 
adaptation to the purpose for which they are intended, 
M'hich distinguishes every article manufactured in the 
United States. One sees at once that the maker must have 
been a thinking creature, who understood all the time 
what he was about, and left nothing undone which could 
materially improve the usefulness of his handicraft. An 
American mechanic does not exercise his trade as he has 
learned it: he is constantly making improvements, study- 
ing out new and ingenious processes, either to perfect his 
work or to reduce its price, and is, in most cases, able to 
account for the various processes of his art in a manner 
which would do credit to a philosopher. 

A certain mechanical perfection, arising from a greater 
division of labor and long-followed practice in a narrow, 
circumscribed trade, is, assuredly, less to be found in 
America than in England, and has frequently given rise 
to the unjust complaint, that American mechanics can 
make nothing equal to the English. This, however, is an 
idle assertion, contradicted by reason and experience. A 
number of articles are made as well in the United States, 
and cheaper, than in England, and if, in other instances, 
their productions are not so good, the reduced prices are 
more than in proportion to their inferiority ; and rather 

* This is a work, consisting of about one hundred volumes, con- 
taining a Liliputian encyclopedia of all sciences, trades, and professions 
for children. Most of them are v/ritten in the form of dialogues or nar- 
ratives, and contain nothing less than the stories of Rome, Greece and 
America, together with essays on mythology, natural philosophy, geog- 
raphy, mathematics, ethics, and moral philosophy. They were pub- 
lisned in the form of pocket editions, the best adapted to their species. 



AMERICAN WORKMEN. 2^9 

show the unwillingness of the consumers to pay a proper 
price for them, than the incapacity of the workmen to 
produce a superior quality. Besides, there is nothing 
which could prevent experienced Enghsh workmen from 
settling in the United States, if they were sure of earning 
there more than at home. In several cases, they have 
attempted to do so, and experienced the quickness with 
which Jonathan learns and improves. 

There is no branch of industry, in which the Americans 
do not participate, the moment any profits are to be 
realised from it ; and it is, in nearly all cases, the state of 
the market, or some more lucrative and attractive em- 
ployment, which prevents them from manufacturing arti- 
cles in the same style as in other countries. If they are 
not in a habit of subdividing labor as in England, in order 
to reduce handiwork as much as possible to an equality 
with machinery, they may, perhaps, in a few cases, be 
unable to work so cheap and with so little loss of time ; 
but individually they must become superior to mere me- 
chanical w^orkmen. The man who knows the different 
parts of a watch, and their mutual adaptation to the me- 
chanism of its regular movement, is evidently superior to 
him who all his life manufactures only the wheels, with- 
out troubling himself about the machine in which they are 
to operate, — as a man who understands a princi'ple is su- 
perior to the empiric who is only acquainted with the 
routine of particular cases. In China, where the division 
of labor is carried to its greatest extent, the laboring class- 
es are reduced to mere machines. Their skill is, as- 
suredly, astonishing ; but they acquire it with the extinc- 
tion of every mental faculty : the whole nation partakes 
more or- less of this mechanical stupefaction, and is 
'* great in every thing that is small, and small in every 
thing that is great." 

In the United States it is of the greatest importance 
that no part of the whole population should remain en- 
tirely ignorant ; but that, on the contrary, all should be- 
come accustomed to thought and reflection. The various 
processes of the mechanic arts offer a thousand oppor- 
tunities for the exercise of the reasoning faculties ; and I 
deem it a particular advantage of the American operatives, 
that they are placed in a situation to improve them. The 
25 



SUPERIOR CONDITION 

high price of labor, and the peculiar habits of the people, 
contribute much to facilitate the means of instruction ; 
and the natural disposition of Americans prompts them 
to avail themselves of the advantages of their position. 

Where a man has to labor all day in order to obtain 
for himself and family a bare subsistence, there it is im- 
possible for his mind to act with a proper degree of 
freedom. The physical wants are too urgent to allow 
him sufficient respite for thought and reflection, and the 
only thing coveted, after the cravings of his stomach are 
appeased, is the necessary rest to restore his physical 
abilities. In America, not only the master mechanic, but 
also his journeymen, have the means of earning more than 
is required for a mere living; they are able to procure for 
themselves comforts which would hardly enter the imagi- 
nation of similar orders in Europe. They are enabled 
to command a portion of their time ; and their minds 
being free from the anxieties of a precarious life, and less 
vitiated by a desire of frivolous pleasures, are better 
qualified for study or improvement, — the only sure means 
by which they can hope to better their conditions. Their 
domestic habits, and the custom of spending the Sabbath 
at home, are highly favorable to the development of their 
mental faculties, and in this respect, of immense advan- 
tage to the general morals of the people. The majority 
of the lower order of European workmen hardly think of 
becoming independent, or doing business on their own 
account; and, being less sustained by hope, in the exer- 
cise of their physical powers, need more relaxation and 
amusement than the Americans, who consider the hardest 
of labor but an introduction to something better which is 
to follow. The American operatives are sustained by 
the very efforts they make, and need not have recourse 
to the sordid pleasures of debauchery, or the bottle, in 
order to plunge themselves into a momentary and brutal 
oblivion of their present necessities. 

I wonder the superior condition of the laboring classes 
in America has not been taken notice of by any English 
tourist, (if we except Mr. Hamilton's philosophical dia- 
logue with the Scotch baker,) while they were so tedious- 
ly minute in describing the fashionable coteries ! No 
drawing-room, in any part of the world, is without its 



OP AMERICAN WORKMEN. 291 

second and third-rate performers, and their number in 
America may even be greater than in Europe. Nor will 
I deny that an American exquisite is, per se, an inferior 
being. A man, in Europe, may be a coxcomb, or a 
buftbon, in a manner peculiar to his own country, in 
which case he is still a national character ; but to be a 
slavish imitator of the follies of others, in a country where 
they are only known to be despised, presupposes a degree 
of presumptuous imbecility, for which no excuse can be 
found in the customs and manners of the people. If 
Englishmen censure Americans for imitating the fashions 
of Europe, they ridicule them justly for not being wiser 
than themselves, or for succeeding less in an unprofitable 
enterprise. But, let them turn their attention to the 
thousands with whom they hardly come in contact on 
their tours ; let them observe and watch the elevated 
character of the merchants, the skilful industry of the 
mechanic, the sober regularity of the workmen, and they 
will find ample room for a more charitable exercise of 
their judgment ; they will then find the true strength and 
superiority of the American people over all other nations 
on the globe. They will find no humiliating imitation in 
the trade and commerce of the United States. They 
will see the arts exercised on a most liberal and extensive 
scale ; the character of workmen raised by emulation to 
that of respectable citizens; and, instead of machines or 
mechanical operatives, they will discover everywhere 
intelligent beings, capable of accounting for every pro- 
cess, and improving it constantly by their own ingenuity. 
In no other country could they behold a similar spectacle; 
in none other witness the same emancipation of the 
mind. In England and Scotland a most generous begin- 
ning has been made to arrive at similar results ; but the 
improvements have not yet penetrated to all classes, and 
for many a generation, America yet will be unrivalled in 
the moral elevation of her citizens. 

A great deal has been said, by American and foreign 
writers, on the subject of trades' unions and other socie- 
ties of operatives known under the name of *' workies," 
and especially about their cries for " equal and universal 
education." I confess I never knew that the workmen 
wished to arrest the progress of education, in order to 



293 



AMERICAN "WORRIES. 



reduce the moral superiority of the higher classes to a 
sordid level with themselves, but, on the contrary, under- 
stood them to covet the same opportunities of mental 
improvement, which are enjoyed by the wealthier portion 
of the community. I am quite certain there is no class 
of Americans so utterly degraded in their moral senti- 
ments, as to wish for universal ignorance, or a compara- 
tive* mediocrity of talents, in order to protect and excuse 
their own imbecility. The workmen of New York, 
Boston, and Philadelphia, have struck for the " ten-hour 
system," on the ground that if a man work more than ten 
hours a day, "Ae is unfit to read and improve his mind in 
the evening, or to superintend the education of his children ;^^ 
a plea which expresses certainly a very different desire 
from that of destroying the opportunities of acquiring 
superior knowledge. The wages of American workmen 
are high; but then it is seldom known that they make an 
improper use of their money ; and they abstain entirely 
from the European custom of spending in one or two 
days, the whole earnings of the week. They understand 
not only how to make money, but also the art of saving 
it; and the amount of capital deposited in the various 
savings banks of the country furnishes the strongest 
evidence of the prudence and frugality of their habits. 
As long as these last, I cannot possibly persuade myself 
that the institutions of the country are in danger, what- 
ever be the aberrations of individuals, or whole classes, 
in their respective political orbits. 

The system of credit, established in manufactures and 
commerce, extends also to the business of the mechanic, 
and in some instances even to the workmen. An Ameri- 
caq^shoemaker will give his note of six or eight months 
for leather ; a tailor his, in exchange for cloth ; a carpen- 
ter will buy timber, a printer his type, a blacksmith his 
iron, on nine, or twelve months' credit, and will in turn 
take the notes of his customers. Trades-people are in 
this manner as much subjected to sudden changes of 
fortune by fluctuations of exchange, and venture as much 
in the investment of their capital, as the active merchant ; 
and nothing, therefore, is more common than a combina- 
tion of the two characters in one and the same person. 
The mercantile genius of the country pervades all classes 



AMERICAN SEAMEN. 293 

of society, and by its universal influence unites them 
effectually to a large homogeneous whole, in which the 
most diversified qualities of individuals bear yet the mark 
of the general character. 

I have, in the beginning of this chapter, briefly touched 
on the subject of navigation as connected with commerce ; 
it remains for me yet to enlarge upon the character of 
seamen. The United States, and especially the northern 
and eastern states, furnish, in proportion to their popula- 
tion, a greater number of sailors than can be mustered in 
any other country save, perhaps, England ; and possess, 
besides, the advantage of employing those of all other 
nations in the regular service of their merchants. The 
high wages, and the protection offiered them by the gov- 
ernment, are sufficient inducements for thousands of 
foreigners to enlist annually on board of American ves- 
sels ; and there are comparatively few amongst them, 
who, once accustomed to the service, are again willing 
to quit it. Their task, it is true, is more severe than on 
board the ships of other nations, but then they are paid 
in proportion, and their provisions are better than those 
of the common sailors of other countries.* 

With these additional expenses, the question may be 
asked, how it is possible for Americans to realise any 



* De Tocqueville, in his work " De la Dimocratie en Amirique" 
traces the progress of navigation in the United States to the same 
source. He compares the American method of navigating ships, to 
the new military tactics invented by the generals of the French repub- 
lic; which were victorious until imitated by their enemies. '' Les 
Am^ricains,''^ says the French jurist, " ont introduit quelque chose d^ ana- 
logue dans le commerce. Ce que les Fram^ais faisaient pour la victoire, 
Us lefont pour le bon TnarcM.^^ 

" Le navigateur extropien ne s'aventure qxCavec prudence sur les mers; 
il ne part que quand le temps Vy convie ; sHl lui survient un accident 
imprdvu, il rentre au port; la nuit il serre une partie de ses voiles, et, 
lorsquHl voit Vocian hlanchir a Vapproche des terres, il ralentit sa course 
et interoge le soleil." 

" VAm6ricain niglige ces precautions et brave ces dangers. 11 part 
tandis que la tempete gronde encore ; la nuit comme le jour il abandonne 
au vent toutes ses voiles ; il r6pare en marchant son navire fatigu6 par 
forage, et lorsquHl approche enfin du terme de sa course, il continue a 
voler vers le rivage, comme si ddjd, il appercevait le porV 

" V AmAricain fait souvent naufrage ; mais il n'y a pas de navigateur 
qui traverse les mers aussi rapidement qu£ lui. Faisantles mimes choses 
qu^un autre en mains de temps il peut lesfatrir a moins defrais." 
25* 



294 AMERICAN SEAMEN. 

profits on the navigation of their siiips? This query is 
answered, by the much smaller number of sailors, and 
the greater rapidity of passages. They make four pas- 
sages where other ships make two or three, and save in 
time, what others save in wages. Again, making their 
sailors work harder, and keeping them constantly em- 
ployed, they manage their ships with less hands, and are 
better able to maintain discipline. The intrepidity of 
American seamen is proverbial, and is sometimes border- 
ing on recklessness. They are known to carry sail until 
rent by the blast, and to pursue their course amidst the 
howling and raging of the storm. It does not follow, 
however, (as De Tocqueville believes,) that, on that 
account, they are less safe than the ships of other nations. 
Being continually exposed to dangers, they are better 
prepared to meet them ; and carrying sails to the last 
moment they will hold, they are accustomed, when urged, 
to execute the necessary changes and manoeuvres with 
greater promptness and precision. There never is the 
least confusion on board of American ships; and I am 
not quite certain whether fewer hands, equally and 
steadily employed, are not more conducive to order and 
good management, than a large number of sailors accus- 
tomed to less work, and in a habit of relying on one 
another. To this we must add, that a person who is six 
weeks at sea, is naturally exposed to more accidents, than 
one who performs the same passage in four or five ; and 
that every day saved in this manner from the tediousness 
and peril of a long voyage, increases the comfort and 
safety of the passengers and crew. The preference 
given to American ships by the merchants of most Euro- 
pean ports, argues strongly in favor of the skill of their 
commanders; and the great patronage bestowed on the 
New York packets, is the surest indication of the willing- 
ness of the people of all countries to trust their lives and 
their property to the experience and science of American 
navigators. 

I have remarked before, that a large number of sailors 
employed in the American merchants' service, are for- 
eigners ; but I do not remember having known many of 
them advance to mates and masters of vessels. The 
officers of American ships are generally natives of the 



AMERICAN SEAMEN. 2&5 

United States, and, without any national prejudice, it is 
easy to assign the reason. 

A sailor is a jolly, jovial, careless being, all the world 
over. He thinks less of the future than men of any other 
occupation in life, and being provided against physical 
wants, gives himself up to merriment. " Perils," says 
Bacon, "love to be rewarded with pleasure;" but the 
American sailor's reward is promotion. Being generally 
better educated than the seamen of other nations, and 
prudent and economical by instinct, a Yankee tar will 
not only think of advancement on board of his ship, but 
speculate also on the probability of becoming a merchant. 
Encouraged by the success of so many others before him, 
and, as is often the case, by that of his own commander, 
he employs his leisure hours rather in the study of navi- 
gation, than in frivolous recreations, which would only 
retard his progress in life. He is, perhaps, as gay as 
any other sailor ; but above all things he is a Yankee, 
and as such, intent upon bettering his condition, and, in 
this laudable undertaking, seconded by his employers. 
If he does not succeed, it is in most cases his own fault; 
for it would be difficult to conceal either talent or inferi- 
ority from such watchful eyes as those of his officers, 
who, with very few exceptions, have gone tlirough the 
same career themselves, and are consequently the best 
judges of his ability and character. 

There exists, if I mistake not, a strong aversion 
amongst American merchants, to trust themselves or 
their property to the care of captains, who, in the lan- 
guage of sailors, " have crept through the cabin window; " 
while, on the other hand, they are most liberal patrons 
of those who by courage and dexterity have acquired a 
just title to their favor. Hence merit is sure of its re- 
ward, and there is no stronger inducement to exertion. 

Neither have the Americans, (judging correctly of the 
importance of their maritime power,) left any thing un- 
done which could serve to promote the education and 
industry of sailors. The merchants of the large Atlantic 
cities have liberally contributed towards the establish- 
ment of churches exclusively for the religious instruction 
and improvement of mariners; savings banks for sailors 
have been formed under the auspices of the most enlight- 



296 NAVAL ADVANTAGES OF AMERICA. 

ened citizens, who have volunteered their services as 
presidents and directors ; and a project for the establish- 
ment of naval schools, to educate seamen for the mer- 
chants' service, is now before the Congress of the United 
States, and will probably pass at the next session. Reli- 
gion, and voluntary abstinence from the use of ardent 
spirits, have had a prodigious influence on the moral 
habits of the sailors, and have saved thousands of them 
from that mental degradation to which they are continu- 
ally exposed by their occupation and habits of life, and 
into which they are often misled, even by the best features 
of their character. 

I have been so fortunate as to hear several sermons 
preached by the Rev. Mr. Taylor at the seamen's church 
in Boston, and have listened with intense pleasure to his 
pathetic exhortations to industry and sobriety. He had 
himself been a sailor on board of an American man-of- 
war, and understood admirably how to touch the feelings 
of his audience. His expressions were occasionally in- 
termixed with seamen's phrases, which, it was easy to 
perceive, produced the desired efl*ect. He would some- 
times, in the midst of a sermon, call upon individuals, 
and especially on captains of vessels, to use their personal 
influence in suppressing the vice of intemperance, and to 
exhort the men under their command to a proper worship 
of God, and the obedience of His laws. It was a moving 
scene to hear those sturdy navigators reply in the affirm- 
ative, and pledge their honor and their faith to fulfil the 
injunctions of their preacher. Mr. Taylor possesses 
evidently great powers of oratory, which he employs in 
the most humane and charitable manner, for the benefit 
of his fellow-creatures. His church is always crowded, 
and in the countenances of his hearers may be read the 
effects of his eloquence. I have never listened to sermons 
more deeply imbued with the spirit and sanctity of 
religion, than those of "the sailors' minister;" and I 
can only wish, for the sake of his noble and disinterested 
undertaking, that he may preserve his original simplicity 
and vigor of style, and not be misled into an unprofitable 
imitation of the flights and tropes of his colleagues. 

The American sailors, though they may be inferior in 
numbers, are morally superior to those of most nations; 



AMERICAN FISHERIES. 297 

and it is for this reason they are generally promoted to 
mates and captains of vessels; while the others, more 
easily satisfied, are content to remain seamen all their 
lives. Whatever be the extent to which the navy of the 
United States may, at any time, be increased, there will 
always be a sufficient number of native officers to com- 
mand their ships ; and as long as this is the case, the 
American navy will be as national an institution as that 
of any other country. 

Suppose the Americans at war with any nation save 
the English, and Congress obliged to increase the naval 
power of the country ; then, whatever be the number of 
ships which may be added to the navy, (and the facilities 
of ship-building are great,) there will always be found a 
sufficient number of British seamen, ready to enlist in 
the service, from no other reason than because the same 
language is spoken, and higher wages paid, on board of 
American vessels, than they can obtain by serving on 
board of the ships of their own country. But the number 
of such British seamen joined to that which the American 
merchants' service would furnish, would by far surpass 
the force which could be mustered by their enemies. 
Whatever inferiority the navy of the United States may 
present in point of number, the facility of increasing the 
establishment, when required, is greater than in any other 
country ; and in this consists the strength of a maritime 
nation. Every new merchant-man which is launched 
from the stocks, is an addition to the naval force of the 
country, and increases the means of national defence ; 
with this difference only, that instead of increasing the 
national expenditure^ it increases the national wealthy and 
directs the industry of the people to new sources of 
general prosperity. At the beginning of a maritime war, 
the Americans would have to act on the defensive ; but it 
would depend on their own will, and on the unanimity of 
their sentiments, whether they are to continue in that 
state, or assume an attitude which would at once com- 
mand the respect and attention of any power in Europe. 

Another means of increasing the naval pov/er of the 
United States is furnished by their fisheries. The navy 
of every country requires for its existence and mainte- 
nance, a certain constant trade and employment, which 



298 WHALE FISHERIES. 

shall act as a school for apprenticing young mariners. 
Such is the coal-trade of England, and the fisheries of 
the eastern states of America. The whale, mackerel, 
and cod fisheries of the United States occupy and enrich 
a large portion of the population of New England, and 
produce the hardiest and most enterprising sailors for 
the service of the merchants' navy : by their means, large 
fortunes are amassed in the midst of towns and villages 
which are built on barren rocks, and which, but for the 
bold spirit of their inhabitants, would be left without the 
natural means of subsistence. 

The fisheries, in the year 1834, yielded 2,071,493 dol- 
lars, nearly equivalent to £420,0U0 sterling. 

These were distributed as follows: — 



Dried fish or cod fisheries 


- 630,384 dollars. 


River fisheries 


- 


- 223,290 — 


Whale and other fish 


oil 


- 740,619 — 


Spermaceti oil 


- 


. 50,048 — 


Whalebone 


. 


- 169,434 — 


Spermaceti candles 


- 


- 257,718 — 


Total 


- 2,071,493 dollars 



But it is not so much the pecuniary benefit, as the in- 
calculable advantage arising from it to the education of 
seamen, which gives to this branch of industry a national 
importance. The hardiest seamen of the United States 
are from that part of the country, and more than one 
half of all the officers employed in the navigation of 
American ships are natives from New England. 

Most remarkable, for the manner in which they are 
carried on, are the whale fisheries of the United States. 
The equipment of the ships and crews employed in that 
trade resemble a privateering expedition — officers and 
sailors receiving, in a measure, prize-money instead of 
regular wages. Every man on board has a share in the 
profits, which is according to his rank and employment. 
Being thus paid according to what they earn, the crews 
are willing to bear greater hardships, and are indefatiga* 



AMERICAN SHIP-BUILDING. 299 

ble in the chase. Every moment they remain on shore 
they consider as lost; and it is not unfrequent to see an 
American whaleman return from the Pacific Ocean with 
a full cargo of oil, without having once touched the land 
since he left home. The American sailors become thus 
inured to the worst dangers and hardships of the sea, and 
accustomed to the severest toils which fall to the lot of 
seamen. They become habituated to every species of 
privation, and find the merchants' service in which they 
may subsequently engage comparatively easy and cheerful. 

Ship-building is another branch of industry in which 
the Americans excel. They are universally allowed to 
build the fastest vessels ; but considerable doubts were 
entertained as to the expediency of building them princi- 
pally for making short passages. Experience has since 
shown these apprehensions to have been ill-founded; for 
it is now an uncontested fact that the American ships 
are, in all quarters of the world, the successful competi- 
tors of those of every other nation. The packets espe- 
cially, are renowned for their speed and the elegance of 
their construction ; and they have had the preference, 
thus far, over all other ships sailing for American ports. 
The postage on letters conveyed by them from Great 
Britain and Ireland alone, amounts annually to more 
than £ 120,000 sterling, and the number of passengers to 
and fro, to from forty to fifty thousand. This is certainly 
a Jstrong argument in favor of expedition, and is more 
than sufficient to prove that the Americans have found 
the proper way of building and navigating ships, and 
that they understand admirably to supply their inferior 
tonnage by a greater number of fast-sailing vessels. 

The successes of the Americans during the last war 
with England, were by English officers themselves at- 
tributed to the skilful manner in which they navigated 
their ships, and especially to the superior construction of 
their large frigates. These were built in such a manner 
as to unite all the advantages of small, fast-sailing vessels, 
with the heavy calibre of seventy-fours, and were conse- 
quently capable of attacking and defending themselves 
against heavy ships of the line, while they were more than 
a match for ordinary frigates. The first idea of these 



300 



AMERICAN FRIGATES. 



vessels was conceived by the Americans, and has since 
been imitated by all other maritime powers. But the 
same spirit of invention, which has already been tri- 
umphant, may, in time of danger, contrive fresh expedi- 
ents to ensure once more the success which is inseparable 
from genius. 



CHAPTER X. 



INTERNAL NAVIGATION OF THE UNITED STATES. RAIL- 
ROADS. CANALS. FACILITIES OF TRAVELLING. THEIR 

INFLUENCE ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE PEO- 
PLE. STEAM-BOATS. PUBLIC AND BOARDING HOUSES. 

HOSPITALITY OF AMERICANS. 



No country is, by nature, favored with such large 
navigable streams as America ; but it may also be added 
that none has done so much to improve its internal navi- 
gation. From the mighty Mississippi and its noble 
tributaries the Ohio and the Missouri, down to the 
smallest and most insignificant creek or inlet, the Ameri- 
can waters are covered with steamers, boats, and rafts of 
all descriptions ; and where the natural communication 
was not sufficient, the want has been supplied by canals. 
In the year 1831, there were on the western waters alone, 
one hundred and ninety-eight steam-boats running, and 
one hundred and fifty had been worn out or lost by acci- 
dents. The whole number of boats, therefore, built on 
those waters since 1811 was 348, of which one hundred 
and eleven were built in the city of Cincinnati alone. 

But the Americans were not satisfied with improving 
merely what nature had done for them ; they went fur- 
ther. They connected the western waters with those of 
the Atlantic, and the lakes with the Gulf of Mexico ; 
and established an artificial water communication by 
means of canals, which, in extent is nearly half the 
length of the Mississippi, the largest river in the world. 
Mr. Pitkins, in his " Statistical View of the Commerce 
of the United States," estimates the number of miles of 
26 



302 CANALS AND RAILROADS. 

canals in the United States completed on the first of 
January, 1835, or which would not long after be com- 
pleted, at two thousand eiojht hundred and sixty-four, 
and their cost, at ^ 64,573,099, or ^12,914,620 sterling. 
— "When the cost of the railroads in the United States," 
continues he, " is added to that of the canals, it will be 
found that there has been, or will soon be expended in 
this country, on these two kinds of internal improvements 
alone, a sum not less than ninety-four millions of dollars," 
— about nineteen millions pounds sterling; — "and this 
has been done, principally, since 1817." According to 
this statement, which I think rather falls short of the 
truth than exceeds it, the Americans have expended, in 
that branch of improvement alone, the sum of one mil- 
lion pounds sterling annually, which is more than twenty 
per cent, of the whole expenditures of the national govern- 
ment. 

The extent of railroads was nearly seven hundred 
miles, without including any of the large projected 
schemes for extending them to the west, and connecting 
the southern states v.ith those of the east and north. 
These, liowever, have already been partially carried into 
execution ; and it is to be expected that in less than 
twenty years a traveller in the United States will be able 
to traverse the country from the western extremity to 
the shores of the Atlantic, and from the borders of 
Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, without beinsr once obliged 
to slacken his speed, or to excbange a locomotive car or a 
steam-boat for the less expeditious method of a carriage 
drawn by horses. 

The railroads, in progress, or completed, in the month 
of January, 1835, exceeded sixteen hundred miles in 
length, and their cost was in "Pitkins's Statistics " esti- 
mated at thirty millions of dollars or six millions pounds 
sterling nearly. This statement, however, must, I think, 
fall short of the truth ; as there were, in the state of New- 
York alone, fifty incorporated railroad companies, with 
a capital of upwards of thirty-four millions of dollars, or 
six millions eight hundred thousand pounds sterling; and 
similar companies were chartered in all other states. 



RAILROADS. 303 

The following of these Railroads were completed at 
the close of the year 1836 ; 

Length. 



1. The Railroad from Buffalo to Black Rock 3 miles. 

2« — Ithaca to Oswego - 29 — 

3. — ■ Albany to Schenectady 16 — - 

4. — Troy to Ballston - 24| — 

5. — Rochester to Carthage 3 — 

6. — Saratoga to Schenectady 22 — 

7. — Utica to Schenectady 77 — 



Total 174i miles. 



The following Railroads were commenced : 

Length. 

The Railroad from Auburn to Syracuse - 26 miles. 

— Buffalo to Niagara Falls 21 — 

— Catskill to Canajoharie - 68 — 

— Prince St. to Haerlam - 7 — 

— Hudson to Massachusetts line 30 — 

— Lockport to Niagara Falls 24 — 

— Brooklyn to Greenport - 98 — 

— N, York city to Lake Erie 505 — 

— Saratoga Spr'gs to Whitehall 41 — 
' — ■ Rochester to Utica - 45 — 



Total 865 miles. 



At the last session of the legislature of New York in 
1836, no less than forty-two new railroad companies were 
incorporated, of which the most important ones were the 
Attica and Buffalo, Auburn and Ithaca, Batavia and 
Lockport, Brooklyn Bath and Coney Island, Courtlandt- 
ville and Oswego, Herkimer and Trenton Falls, Lansing- 
burgh and Troy, Chittenango and Cazenovia, Oswego and 
Utica, Rochester and Genessee Port, Schenectady and 
Troy, Staten Island, Syracuse and Binghampton, Syra- 
cuse and Brewertown, and Utica and Syracuse Rail- 
roads, — The state of New York alone, therefore, will ia 



304 RAILROADS. 

a few years have ninety-two railroads, facilitating the in- 
tercourse of its principal towns and villages, or connecting 
them with the railroads of other states in order to estab- 
lish lines of communication with the southern, western and 
eastern parts of the country. 

The same spirit of improvement is stirring in the other 
states. In the state of Maine there has been completed 
(in 1836) a railroad from Bangor to Orono ; a company 
for another to extend from Portland to Dover, New 
Hampshire, has been incorporated at the last session of 
the legislature, and three new ones have been projected, 
one of which is to extend from the coast of Maine to 
Quebec. In the state of New Hampshire, two railroad 
companies have been incorporated, both of which have 
already commenced operations ; and in the state of Ver- 
mont four others, with an aggregate capital of 4,000,000 
of dollars. In the state of Massachusetts, there are al- 
ready completed three principal railroads, viz., from Bos- 
ton to Providence, from Boston to Worcester, and from 
Boston to Lowell. Each of these has again its branches 
extending to other towns in the state, or connecting them 
with the railroads of the state of New York. The "West- 
ern Railroad," which was incorporated by the legislature 
of Massachusetts in 1833 was commenced in 1836, the 
state having subscribed to it the sum of 1,000,000 dollars. 
This railroad will extend from Worcester to the Connec- 
ticut river at Springfield ; thence to the boundary line of 
the state of New York, where it will be connected with 
three different railroads, one leading to Albany, another 
to Hudson, and a third to Troy. From Albany a rail- 
road to the westward is already completed as far as Uti- 
ca ; from Utica to Buffalo a new railroad has recently 
been incorporated ; and from Buffalo it is to be continued 
through the states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and 
Illinois to the borders of the Mississippi ; which will estab- 
lish a direct line of communication between Portland, 
in the state of Maine, and New Orleans, in the Gulf of 
of Mexico. In addition to these, three new railroads were 
incorporated by the legislature of Massachusetts at its 
last session in 1836 ; one of which, from Boston to Salem, 
Newburyport and Portsmouth, N. Hampshire, is already 
in progress. In the state of Connecticut, three railroads 



RAILROADS. 305 

are now in progress, and five new ones have been incor- 
porated ; in New Jersey, three railroads are completed, 
and three new ones in progress ; in Pennsylvania thirteen 
are completed, and eight or ten in progress ; and in the 
small state of Delaware one is completed, and another in 
progress. 

The Baltimore and Ohio railroad was incorporated by 
the legislature of Maryland in 1827, and is to extend from 
the city of Bahimore to the banks of the river Ohio, dis- 
tance 360 miles. In 1835, eighty-six miles of this road 
were completed at an expense of 3,106,507 dollars. The 
company had in operation ten engines, fifty passengers' 
cars and 1,200 wagons for transporting merchandise. It 
is to be observed, moreover, that the company did not 
import their machinery from England, but relied entirely 
on the ingenuity of American workmen ; and they are 
now believed to possess locomotives of the best kind, and 
with the most powerful engines. For the prosecution of 
this railroad, the legislature of the state has recently sub- 
scribed 3,000,000 dollars, and the city of Baltimore other 
3,000,000 dollars. Two other railroads have been com- 
pleted in that state, and three new ones incorporated. In 
the state of Virginia three railroads of thirteen, fifty-nine, 
and thirty miles in length respectively, were completed in 
1830 ; three new ones were commenced, and eighteen 
others incorporated since 1835, with a joint capital of 
12,595,000 dollars, or ^2,519,000 sterling. In the state 
of North Carolina six new railroads are projected, and 
some of them commenced. In South Carolina there exists 
already a railroad from Charleston to Hamburg, distance 
136 miles ; and another is projected on a huge plan. It 
is to extend from Charleston to Cincinnati (Ohio,) dis- 
tance 607 miles, connecting the valleys of the Ohio and 
the Mississippi with the Atlantic ocean. The expenses 
of this road are estimated at $15,000,000 or £3,000,000 
sterling. In the state of Georgia there are completed two 
railroads, and three others are in progress, extending 90, 
200, and 210 miles in length respectively. In the state of 
Alabama nine railroads are commenced ; in the state of 
Mississippi three, and in the state of Louisiana one rail- 
road is completed, and five or six others in progress. In 
Kentucky two railroads are completed, and three or four 
26* 



306 CANALS. 

in progress. In the state of Ohio twelve railroads were 
incorporated in 1832, of which the *' Mad river and lake 
Erie railroad," which is to extend 153 miles, was com- 
menced in 1835, and thirty miles of it completed in 1836. 
In 1835, twenty-eight new railroad companies were in- 
corporated in that state with a capital of more than 
20,000,000 dollars or .£4,000,000 sterling. In the state of 
Indiana four railroads are projected. In the state of 
Illinois there were chartered in 1835 nine railroads of 
which the " Alton and Galena railroad " alone was to be 
350 miles long ; and at the last session of the legislature 
(in 1836,) fourteen new ones were incorporated. In the 
state of Missouri two railroads are projected ; and the 
legislature of the state of Michigan, a state which has 
only been recently admitted into the Union, has already 
chartered four railroad companies, and a large number 
of others are projected. The whole population of that 
state is averaged only at 120,000, and consisted, accord- 
ing to the census of 1834, only of 85,856 inhabitants. 
Several railroads have been projected also in the Florida 
territory, and one or two of these are now in progress. 

The canals of the United States are not of so late a 
date, but are nevertheless constructed chiefly since 1820. 
Ten years' improvements however, with so new and enter- 
prising a people as the Americans, are sufficient to change 
the aspect of things, and to give the whole country a new 
character. The attention of the Americans has within 
the last five or six years chiefly been turned to the con- 
struction of railroads ; but I must be greatly mistaken if 
canals would not, in many instances, answer the same 
purpose ; and they would, under particular circumstances, 
be far less expensive. The natural facilities of water 
communication seem to invite the Americans not to neg- 
lect this branch of internal improvement ; and the profits 
realised on the principal canals now in operation, ought 
to be a sufficient inducement for speculators to invest 
their capital in so useful and national a branch of in- 
dustry. 

The principal Canals in the United States, completed 
in January, 1835, were the following; 

Blackstone canal - - 45 miles. 
Black river - - - 76 — 



CANALS OF NEW YORK. 307 

miles. 



Cayuga 


- 


- 20 


Champlain 


- 


- 63 


Chemung 


_ 


- 23 


Chenango 


_ 


- 96 


Chesapeake and Ohio (j 


lot 


yet completed) 


- 


- 340 


Chesapeake and Delaware 14 


Delaware 


_ 


- 60 


Delaware and Hue 


Ison 


- 108 


Delaware and Rar 


iton 


- 421 


Dismal Swamp 


- 


- 23 


Erie 


- 


- 363 


Farmington 


. 


- 78 


Lehigh 


- 


- 461 


Middlesex 


, 


- 27' 


Miami 


- 


- 66 


Morris 


_ 


- 97 


Ohio 


. 


- 334 


Oswego 


- 


- 38 


Pennsylvania 


- 


- 277 


Santee 


- 


- 22 


Schuylkill 


- 


- 110 


Union 


- 


- 80 


Wabash and Erie 


- 


- 200 




Total 2,759 



That the construction of canals in the United States 
has in most cases been a profitable undertaking, yielding 
on an average from ten to twelve per cent, interest 'per 
annum on the capital invested,* will appear from the sub- 
joined report of the canal commissioners of the state of 
New York, which may be relied on as official, as these 
canals are owned by the state itself. 

* In one or two instances some private canal companies have de- 
clared a dividend of 102 per cent, per annum I 



378 



CANALS OF NEW YORK. 



1 


Length 


No. of 


Cost in 


Name. 


Miles. 


Locks. 


Dolls. & Cts. 


Erie 


363 


84 


7,143,789 86 


Champlain - - ) 
Glen's Fall's Feeder j 


76 


34 


1,257,604 26 








Osweo-o 


38 


14 


565,437 35 


Cayuga - - _ 


21 


11 


236,804 74 


Chemung - - ) 
Navigable Feeder - j 


39 


53 


331,693 57 








Crooked Lake 


8 


27 


156,776 57 


Chenango Feeders 




113 


109 


1,960,456 28 


658 


11,652,562 96 



The average cost, per mile, therefore, was 18,000 dol- 
lars, or ^3,600 sterling. 

The Tolls received in the year 1835 were as follows 



Erie and Champlain canals 
Oswego - - - 
Cayuga and Seneca 
Chemung - - - 

Crooked Lake 



Dollars. 

1,492,811 

29,180 

20,430 

4,720 

1,829 



Cts. 

59 

62 

11 

44 

63 



39* 

tolls 



Total - 1,548,972 

which is 13| per cent, nearly of their cost. The 

on these canals have been annually increasing ever since 
the completion of the enterprise. In 1831 they amount- 
ed to lOJ per cent., in 1832 to lOf per cent., in 1833 to 
12f per cent., in 1834 to 11 J per cent., and in 1835, as I 
have just stated, to 13| nearly, of the whole cost of the 
canals. 

The folloicing table icillshow the increase of tolls during the la.&t five years. 
Comparative View of Tolls for Five years. 



Canals. 


1831. 


1832. 1 1833. 


1834. 
Dolls. Cts. 


1835. 




Dolls. Cts. 


Dolls. Cts. 


Dolls. Cts. 


Dolls. Cts. 


Erie 
Champlain 


1,091,711 20 
102,896 23 


1,085,612 28 
110,191 95 


1,290,136 20 I 
132,559 02 


1,294,649 66 


1,492,811 59 


Oswego 


16,271 10 


19,786 20 


22,950 47 


1 22,168 02 


99,180 62 


Cayuga 


12,920 39 


13,893 04 


17,174 69 


1 18,130 43 


20,430 11 


Chemung 


_ 


. 


694 00 


, 3,378 05 


4,720 44 


Crooked Lake 
Total 


- 


- 


200 84 
1,463,715 22 


1,473 40 


1,829 63 
1,548,972 39 


1,223,801 98 


1,229,483 47 


i,339,7li9 56 



* Chenango canal is not yet in operation j but was to be completed in 
November, 1836. 



CANALS OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



309 



Pennsylvania has always been the rival of New York 
with regard to internal improvements; and it will there- 
fore be not improper to give a short statement of the 
canals of that state, 

Pennsylvania possesses twelve state canals, extending 
601J miles in length, and two state railroads of 81 and 
37 miles respectively, making jointly a distance of 720 
miles, exclusive of the improvements carried on by 
private companies. 

The following Tables will exhibit the Length and Cost 
of each Canal, together with the Amount of Tolls 
received during the last Five Years : 



Name, 


Length 
in Miles. 


Cost. 






Dolls. 


Cts. 


Delaware Division - 


59| 


1,238,027 


69 


Eastern Do. - - - 


43 


1,283,733 


46 


Juniata Do. - - ) 
Feeders - - ^ 


1321 


2,490,290 


13 


Western Do. 


1061 


2,758,937 


71 


Feeders - - - 


- - 


64,255 


00 


Susquehanna Do. - 


39 


1,039,256 


77 


West Branch Do. - 


25| 


421,771 


00 


North Branch Do. 


551 


1,096,178 


34 


Wyoming Do. 


17 


342,796 


55 


Lycoming Do. 
Feeders Do. 


41| 
H 


I 1,205,573 


77 


Beaver Do. - - - 


30| 


476,401 


48 


Franklin Line Do. 


22J 


442,558 


34 


French Creek Do. 
Total 


23J 


441,455 


45 


6011 


13,301,235 


69 



Amount of Tolls received since 1830. 



In 1830 
1831 
1832 
1833 



Dolls. 


as. 


27,012 


90 


38,241 


20 


50,909 


57 


151,419 


69 



310 CANALS OF DIFFERENT STATES. 

Dolls. Cts. 

1834 - - - 309,789 15 

1835 - - - 684,357 77 



Total - 1,261,730 23 



Nor have the other states been behindhand with regard 
to internal improvements of this sort. There was one 
canal constructed in the state of Maine ; four others in 
New Hampshire; four in Massachusetts; two in Con- 
necticut ; three in ^e\v Jersey ; one in the state of Dela- 
ware ; three in Maryland ; six in Virginia; three in North 
Carolina; six in South Carolina ; one in Georgia; two in 
Alabama ; four in Louisiana ; and two in the state of 
Ohio, viz. the " Ohio Canal," from Portsmouth on the 
Ohio to Cleaveland on Lake Erie, 307 miles in length, 
with 152 locks, and the " Miami Canal," sixty-five miles 
in length, with thirty-two locks; and there were, besides, 
eight new canal companies incorporated by the legisla- 
ture of that state. 

The legislature of the state of Indiana passed a bill in 
January, 1836, providing for a loan of 10,000,000 dollars 
to be expended in "improving river navigation, and 
constructing canals, railroads, and turnpike roads." In 
consequence of this bill, three canals, two railroads, and 
two macadamised turnpike roads have been commenced 
in that state, and are now in active progress. In the 
state of Illinois, two canal companies were recently in- 
corporated, one of which, with a capital of 7,000,000 
dollars, is to construct a canal from Chicago on Lake 
Michigan, to Ottawa on the Illinois river, distance nine- 
ty-five miles. The breadth of this canal is to be thirty-six 
feet at the bottom, sixty at the surface, and its deptli six 
feet. Thirty-six miles from Chicago, the canal must be 
cut twenty-four miles through solid rock, from seven to 
twenty-eight feet in depth, making this part alone cost 
4,000,000 of dollars. The commissioners advertised in 
July, 1836, for 10,000 workmen, offering them from 
twenty-five to thirty dollars (five to six pounds sterling) 
a month. 

The post-offices and post-roads have increased in the 
same proportion as the canals and railroads. 



POST OFFICES AND POST ROADS, 311 

T ., i<yf\f\ ( the number of Post- ) ^g. 

In the year 1790 { ^rc i 75 

•^ ( Offices was ) 

1800 it was already - - - 903 

1810 2,300 

1820 4,500 

1830 8,400 

The gradual extension of post-roads will be best per- 
ceived from the following official account, showing the 
increase of miles in every ten years, from 1790 till 1830 
inclusive. 
In the year 1790 ... - 1,875 miles. 

1800 - - . - 20,817 — 

1810 . - - . 36,406 — 

1820 - . _ - 72,492 — 

1830 . . . _ 1]5,176 — 

The mails are now carried on these routes (daily or 
otherwise,) 25,869,480 miles per annum; viz. 16,874,050 
in four-horse post-coaches and two-horse stages; 7,817,973 
miles on horse-back, and in sulkies ; * 909,959 miles in 
steam-boats ; and 270,504 in railroad cars. 

AVhen we reflect on the multitude and extent of these 
improvements, the incredibly short time in which they 
were executed, the high price of labor, and the compara- 
tively small and thinly scattered population of the United 
States, we shall irresistibly arrive at the conclusion, that 
m this particular branch of national industry, the Ameri- 
cans have done more than all other nations taken to- 
gether. Even the rapid improvements in England appear 
diminutive, when compared to the vastness of American 
enterprise, and the continent of Europe cannot even 
furnish a term of comparison. 

If the whole population of the United States were en- 
gaged in constructing railroads and canals, they would 
find ample employment in completing those which are 
now projected or commenced, and might for years be 
enployecl in tliat branch of industry alone. What is 
truly surprising is, that a people, in number scarcely 
surpassing one third of the population of France, and 
spread over so large a surface, should, in addition to 

* A species of light, uncovered gig. 



312 



AMOUNT OF POSTAGES. 



these works, find the necessary time for the cultivation 
and extension of commerce, manufactures, and the me- 
chanic arts ! No other nation did at any time engage in 
such a variety of industrious pursuits, and none can boast, 
in any one of them, of a greater rapidity of progress. 
The Amount of Postages received in the several States 

during the year 1834, and the number of Post-Offices 

in that year, were as follows : 



States. 



Maine - - - 

New Hampshire 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 

Connecticut - 

Rhode Island 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania - 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North Carolina 

South Carolina 

Georgia - - - 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 

Ohio 

Indiana - - - 

Illinois - - _ 

Missouri 

District of Columbia 

Michigan Territory 

Florida - - _ 

Arkansas 

Total 



Dollars. 



48,717 
23,429 
26,043 

172,567 
51,604 
19,002 

430,426 
29,817 

343,406 

6,465 

89,235 

114,554 
38,746 
60,755 
79,925 
50,514 
26,450 
61,905 
43,858 
53,987 

100,652 
20,835 
14,789 
19,518 
17,724 
12,537 
8,292 
4,100 



Number of 
Post-Offices. 



1,969,852 



446 

289 

287 

469 

252 

46 

1,687 

269 

1,148 

39 

233 

891 

557 

300 

360 

231 

126 

72 

470 

399 

883 

313 

204 

145 

3 

139 

51 

78 



10,387 



TRAVELLING ON THE WESTERN RIVERS. 



313 



The Postages of the principal Cities were as follows 



New York 
Philadelphia - 
Boston 
Baltimore 
New Orleans - 
Charleston 
Cincinnati 
Richmond 
Albany - 

Total in nine cities - 



- 192,493 dollars. 

- 118,354 — 

- 77,925 -— 

- 62,505 — 
. 48,840 — 

- 30,562 — 

- 20,991 — 

- 20,336 — 

- 16,601 — 



588,607 — 



(The income from the Post Office is principally spent 
in establishing new roads and lines of communication, 
and extending the usefulness of the department.) 

The following Table will show the Rate of Travelling 
on the Mississippi and the Ohio, (taken from the 
Wheeling Virginia Gazette.) 



Up the River. 

From Wheeling 

to Wellsburg, Ohio - 
to Steubenville, Ohio 
to Wellsville, Ohio - 
to Beaver, Pennsylvania - 
to Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 

Down the River. 

to Marietta, Ohio 
to Parkersburgh, Virginia - 
to Point Pleasant 
to Gallipolis, Ohio - 
to Guyandotte, Virginia - 
to Portsmouth, Ohio 
to Maysville, Kentucky 
to Ripley, Ohio 
27 



Distance 


Total 






in Miles. 


Distance. 
16 


Dolls. 




Cts- 

75 


16 


7 


23 


1 





20 


43 


1 


50 


26 


69 


2 


50 


27 


96 


3 





82 


82 


2 


50 


10 


92 


2 


50 


78 


170 


5 





3 


173 


5 





37 


210 


6 





50 


260 


7 





47 


307 


8 





13 


319 1 


9 






314 



WESTERN RIVERS. 



Doivn the River. 

to Cincinnati, Ohio - 

to Port William, mouth of 

Kentucky _ - - 
to Madison, Indiana 
to West Port, Kentucky - 
to Louisville, Kentucky 
to Rome, Indiana 
to Troy, Indiana 
to Yellow Banks, Kentucky 
to Evansville, Indiana 
to Henderson, Kentucky - 
to Shawneetown, Illinois - 
to Smithland, mouth of 

Cumberland 
to Mouth, Ohio 
to New Madrid, Missouri 
to Memphis, Tennessee 
to Helena, Arkansas 
to Vicksbur^, Mississippi 
to Natchez, Mississippi 
to New Orleans, Louisiana 



Distance 


Total 


in Miles. 


Distance- 


46 


355 


79 


434 


13 


447 


20 


467 


20 


487 


100 


587 


35 


622 


25 


647 


40 


687 


12 


699 


53 


752 


63 


815 


66 


881 


75 


956 


150 


1,106 


85 


1,191 


307 


1,498 


110 


1,608 


300 


1,908 



Dolls. 


Cts. 


10 





11 





11 





12 





12 





15 





15 





15 





18 





18 





18 





18 





20 





22 





25 





26 





36 





30 





35 






These prices of passag:e include boarding. The fares 
of deck-passengers are about one fourth of these, the 
passengers finding themselves. To New Orleans it is 
still less, being only 8 dollars, or about 365. for a distance 
of nearly 2,000 miles. The deck is covered and contains 
berths. The passage to Louisville is performed in two 
days and a half, and to New Orleans in from eight to 
ten ; returning about double that time. The ordinary 
speed is twelve miles an hour down, and six up the river.- 
It must be observed, moreover, that there are boats which 
charge less than the above rates, the price depending 
upon the number of boats in port, and the abundance or 
scarcity of passengers. 

The liberality with which the prices of passage are 
fixed ought not to escape the attention of the peruser of 
the above table. No additional charge is made for 



FACILITIES OF INTERCOURSE. 315 

carrying a person fifty or sixty miles further, although it 
may happen, that by so doing he may have " the benefit 
of another meal." Thus the fare from Wheeling to 
Rome, Indiana, (587 miles,) is 15 dollars ; and from 
Wheeling to Yellow Banks, Kentucky, (sixty miles fur- 
ther,) the same. From Wheeling to Evansville, Ken- 
tucky, (distance 687 miles,) the fare is 18 dollars ; and to 
Sraithland, mouth of the Cumberland, (128 miles further,) 
no additional charge is made. The same holds of the 
distances to Vicksburg and Natchez, in the state of 
Mississippi. 

The increased facilities of intercourse, thus created be- 
tween the different states, cannot but produce the hap- 
piest results. They lessen the expenses of travelling, 
and enable emigrants from Europe and the eastern states, 
to proceed south or west at a trifling expenditure of 
time and money; they enhance the value of real estates 
throughout the Union, by shortening the distances which 
exist between the towns and country ; they increase 
commerce and open a market for the produce of the 
west, which would otherwise be beyond the line of natural 
communication ; they are the means of spreading civiliza- 
tion and learning throughout the country, by bringing 
the wilderness of the west in contact with the arts and 
sciences of the borders of the Atlantic ; and lastly, the 
most important of all, they amalgamate the different 
elements of which the population of the United States is 
composed to a large homogeneous whole, and strengthen 
the bond of union between the different states by so in- 
terweaving their individual interests that a separation 
could not be effected without a severe diminution of 
prosperity to all. The last two consequences are, from 
their moral and political importance, the most desirable 
of all, and are, of themselves, suflicient to create a per- 
manent interest. 

Those who are continually dreading or prophesying 
the dissolution of the Union, and whose fertile imagina- 
tion is already employed in portioning out the territories 
of the west, south, east, and north, consider merely the 
physical inequalities of those states, without reflecting, 
for one moment, on the moral causes which have a ten- 
dency directly the reverse of what they anticipate. One 



316 POLITICAL INFLUENCES 

of the reasons which they allege for the impending disso- 
lution, is the vast extent of territory of the United States, 
and the consequent diversity of feeling and sentiment 
created by the difference in the soil and climate. They 
pretend that the south, the west, and the north have each 
their peculiar interests, incompatible with the general 
prosperity of the whole ; and that so far from considering 
themselves as children of one and the same family, the 
inhabitants of the different states cherish a kind of sec- 
tional feeling, which is diametrically opposite to the 
lofty inspirations of national character. I confess my- 
self no partisan to such an opinion, and shall take another 
opportunity (in the next chapter) of explaining my senti- 
ments on that subject. I shall be satisfied, for the pre- 
sent, to consider the question only as far as it relates to 
distances. 

Distance is a relative idea, and is not properly meas- 
ured by the number of miles, at which one place is 
situated from another ; but rather by the time which is 
required to move from one to another. This is so far 
true, and so popular a view of the subject, that the notion 
of expressing distance by time has become familiar to all 
people ; the unit of comparison being generally the dis- 
tance walked in an hour. Thus, in Germany, a traveller 
will learn that a certain place is situated three hours from 
another, and in Westphalia two or three pipes, indicating 
the number of pipes which may be smoked on tbe way to 
it.* These numbers are evidently relative ; for a man 
may increase or slacken his pace, and thereby diminish 
the time required for accomplishing the distance. If, in- 
stead of walking, he mounts on horseback, the distance 
will become still less ; and so on, in proportion to the 
velocity with which he proceeds on his way. An object 
removed half a mile from a lame person is, to him, al- 
most an infinite distance; but it would be dreadfully 
near to the mouth of a cannon. Numbers, in general, 
convey no positive idea ; because the largest of them 
may become infinitely small, and the smallest of them in- 
finitely large, in proportion to the units of which they 
represent the respective aggregates. We judge of the 

*Ka€stner's 



OF THE FACILITIES OF INTERCOURSE, 317 

whole physical world not as it is, but as it appears to 
our senses, and is capable of affecting our happiness. 
Thus the universe appears infinite to our finite senses ; 
because we lack the term of comparison (the common 
measure ; ) but it does not follow from it that to an un- 
derstanding less limited and finite than our own, it may 
not bear an approximate ratio, and it is philosophically 
and mathematically certain, that, to the infinite Being, its 
relation is fixed and invariable.* Thus, whatever is cal- 
culated to change our relation to the physical world, may 
actually be said to change the physical world itself, and 
vice versa. Now, I maintain that such a change has taken 
place in the physical position of the United States ; and 
that, therefore, the people themselves must have changed 
their relation to the objects around them, and to each 
other. 

To an American the United States can hardly be as 
large as France appears to a Frenchman ; the different 
states being actually less separate and distant from one 
another than the different departments of that kingdom. 
An inhabitant of Cincinnati, or of Charleston, is a nearer 
neighbor to a gentleman residing in New York, than an 
Alsacian is to a Parisian ; because he is actually less re- 
moved from, and comes oftener in contact with him, than 
is the case between the two inhabitants of France. 
Whatever diff'erence in manners, customs, and opinions 
there may exist between them, will have a tendency to 
be smoothed down by habitual intercourse and exchange 
of thought ; and prejudices, which are principally founded 
on ignorance or an imperfect acquaintance with the 
motives of others, must at last yield to individual convic- 
tion, and the knowledge acquired from observation. 
How many prejudices which existed betwen the French 
and the English have been explained away since the un- 
restrained intercourse between the two nations ! How 
many Englishmen, since the year 1815, have passed over 
to France with the expectation of finding a race of 

* " A finite quantity is infinitely large when compared to an infinitely 
small one ; a finite one, infinitely small with regard to one which is in- 
finitely large; but the ratio between two infinite quantities may be ex- 
pressed by numbers, and is constant." — Tobias Mayer, " HUhere Analy- 
sis.^'' —Carnot, ^'' M6tQ physique du Calcul infinitesimal,^' 
27* 



318 POLITICAL INFLUENCES 

dancing monkeys, or ferocious tigers, and have in their 
stead discovered a polite, cliivalrous and highly civilised 
nation ! And how many Frenchmen, on the other hand, 
have come over to England to behold a people scarcely 
emerged from barbarism, whose principal amusement 
consisted in hunting, horse-racing, and cock-fighting, in 
order to become satisfied of what they have yet to learn 
in order to equal that people in depth of thought, energy 
of action, and the wisdom of its legislation. The mutual 
intercourse between the two nations has acted beneficially 
on both. Instead of hating one another, with that hatred 
which characterised the barbarism of their former wars, 
the people of the two countries have become friends, and 
are now united by the strongest ties which ever connected 
two nations not speaking the same language. They have 
learned to respect each other, and to imitate each other's 
virtues. The treasures of intellect of the one have be- 
come the common wealth of the other ; and their former 
misguided passions and mutual rancor (which it was the 
the interest of certain politicians to kindle and nourish) 
are now dying away from want of aliment. 

But if such are the effects of the increased intercourse 
of two nations naturally strangers to one another, what 
may we not hope for with regard to the people of the 
different states of America, where the same cause operates 
in a multiplied ratio, joined to an extensive internal com- 
merce which affects all interests, and is strongly assisted by 
the ties of consanguinity, and the charm of one and the 
same language ? So far from discovering in the progress 
of America any symptoms of the future dissolution of the 
Union, I can see in it only new pledges of its stability and 
duration. It grows stronger every year by the increased 
community of interests ; and what the Americans did not 
wish for, when their stakes in the government were 
divided, they cannot reasonably desire or promote, when 
their cause becomes one and the same. 

Neither is there any remarkable division of sentiment 
perceptible in their actions. On the contrary, it is una- 
nimity which characterises all their proceedings. The 
Americans have nothing to gain, but a great deal to lose, 
from a separation of the Union ; and the regulations of 
their internal commerce are such, that a chaos of con- 



OF THE FACILITIES OF INTERCOURSE. 319 

fusion, and a total suspension of business, would follow 
the slightest attempt at so preposterous a measure. 

The climate is another cause supposed to act strongly 
on the minds of men, and to produce lasting national 
differences.* This, undoubtedly, does not change with the 
facilities of intercourse ; but the men who live in it may 
be able to effect an alteration, and thereby render them- 
selves less subject to its influence. A person who lives 
six months of the year in one climate, and the remaining 
six months in another, cannot be said to be subject to the 
vicissitudes of either; and the same will hold of him who 
is so little confined to any one place, that it is difficult to 
ascertain which is his habitual residence. This is the 
case with the Americans. Nearly one half of the whole 
trading population (and this is no inconsiderable portion 
of the whole) is constantly engaged in travelling ; and in 
the summer season, when, on account of the water com- 
munication, travelling becomes cheaper than it is in the 
winter, or early in the spring, every class of society, men 
and women, the aged and the young, join in it as a favor- 
ite amusement. The Americans seem to know no great- 
er pleasure than that of going on fast, and accomplishing 
large distances in comparatively short times. Towards 
autujnn, and at the beginning of winter the wealthier 
population of the north repair to the south, to escape the 
inclemency of an eastern winter or spring, t and during 
the hot months of summer the rich planters of the south 
retaliate upon their brethren to the north, by enjoying 
the cooling breezes of New England. 

This continued motion of the Americans, which re- 
sembles, on a huge scale, the vibrations of a pendulum, 
i»/ productive of very important results. It saves the 
southerners from the enervating influence of the excessive 
heat of their latitudes, and enables the northerners to 
familiarise themselves with the south. It acts as a con- 
stant moderator between them ; and this the more so as 
the facilities of travelling increase, and the expenses in- 

* Montesquieu in his " Esprit des Lois " certainly ascribes to it more 
than its due influence. 

t The months of March, April, and even part of May, in New Eng- 
land, are the most trying to the constitution, but the ''fall " is beautiful, 
and superior to the same season in Europe. 



320 NULLIFICATION OP SOUTH CAROLINA. 

cidental to them diminish. The constant intercourse of 
the southerners with the inhabitants of the north, and of 
the latter with the former, and the consequent necessity 
of conforming to the peculiarities of both climes, prevent 
the formation of those habits which belon<i: exclusively to 
either, and are eminently calculated to diminish thos e 
moral and physical differences, which the remoteness or 
the vicinity of the equator seems to have permanently 
estabUshed among men. 

Thus, in whatever light we may view them, whether we 
consider their physical or moral influence, their effects on 
civihzation, or their promotion and encouragement of 
commerce and every branch of industry, we shall see, in 
the internal improvements of the United States, one of 
the most powerful means of producing harmony and good 
fellowship amongst the different states, and must therefore 
hail them as the harbingers of peace, and that friendship 
which I am confident will last as long as liberty shall 
find an asylum in the legislative halls of America. If free- 
dom should once be lost, if the United States should fall a 
prey to some victorious enemy, if an ambitious faction 
should succeed in enslaving the people and directing the 
national efforts and energies to their own sordid ends, 
then it matters not what relative position the different 
states may assume : of a parcel of slaves it is immaterial 
which is foremost and hindmost in the ranks, or whether 
they are all chained alike to the yoke. But as long as the 
people are sovereign, the prospects of the country will 
remain unclouded ; and the Union will be preserved, not- 
withstanding the puerile declamations of those who would 
be the most inactive in time of danger, as they are now 
the most apprehensive in time of peace. 4$^ 

But has not, it will be asked, the Union been already in 
danger, at the late question of the tariff? To this question 
I would resolutely reply in the negative : the Union was 
not in danger. The nullification doctrine of South Caro- 
lina was the result of a fever produced by imprudent ex- 
posures, which has since yielded to the proper remedies ; 
but which did not threaten the continuance of the Union 
any more than a transient head-ache the life of a robust 
young man. It merely shows that prudence is necessary, 
even to the strongest constitution ; and that, in the terms 



THE SYSTEM OF INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 321 

of an old English adage, " an ounce of preventive is worth 
a pound of cure." Now that the sickness is passed, the 
Americans have time to reflect on its origin, and the best 
means of preventing its occurrence in the future. If it 
should come again, it will not find them unprepared ; but 
they are too wise a people to fall twice into the same 
error. I consider the late proceedings in South Carolina, 
and the subsequent measures adopted by Congress, as a 
timely warning, which has brought the different states to 
a consciousness of their true position, and the dangers 
which await them if they swerve for one moment from 
the true intent of their compact. The American Union 
has now nothing to fear from a similar attack; and is 
just as much more secured against all such evils than 
before the tariff question was started, as the mariner who 
is prepared for a storm is safer than he who is only ac- 
customed to sail with light breezes. 

The internal improvements of the United States have 
for a time been the rallying cry of a certain party, and 
they have also had their champion in the person of Mr. 
Henry Clay, senator from the state of Kentucky. To 
understand this matter properly, it must be remembered, 
that there does not, nor ever did, exist a party in the 
United States, averse to internal improvements generally; 
and the line of demarcation, therefore, consisted solely 
in fhp mceina by wliich ilie different parties intended to 
carry their plans into effect. Mr. Clay's friends held that 
the surpUis revenue of the United States had best be spent 
in internal improvements, (which more or less had to 
benefit individual states,) while the present administration 
saw in it a means of corrupting the elections, by " bribing 
the people with the people's money." Both parties were 
heartily in favor of improvements ; but the one wished to 
employ for that purpose the money of the government, 
while the other were willing to leave them to the enter- 
prise of individual states, and to tax only those with the 
expense of them, who, from their proximity, were most 
benefited by the measure. Whatever glory may be at- 
tached to the doctrine of national improvements of Mr. 
Clay, that of the administration is equally strongly re- 
commended by good sense and national justice. 

Mr. Clay's principles would have enabled the govern« 



322 



THE NATIONAL ROAD. 



inent to act powerfully on the political sentiments of in- 
dividual states, and was too nearly allied with the system 
of central zatio7i not to excite the apprehensions of the 
people. Spending the surplus revenue in the construction 
of national roads, might have amounted to an indirect 
taxation of the people, and would have delegated to Con- 
gress a power, which, by the constitution, it was not in- 
tended to possess. The least preference shown to any 
individual state (and it would have been impossible to 
benefit them all in the same ratio) would have roused the 
jealousy of the others ; and as the number of those whom 
it would have been in the power of government to benefit 
must needs have been smaller than that whom it must 
necessarily have disobliged, Congress itself would eventu- 
ally have lost a portion of its popularity. 

It would have been exceedingly imprudent, in the presi- 
dent or the senate of the United States, to take a par- 
ticular state into favor, or to extend their protection evhn? 
to the weakest and most needy of them. Any such guar- 
dianship would Imve affected the independence of the in- 
dividual states, and could hardly have faded tobrinsfthem 
into collision with the general government. Besides, it 
is very doubtful whether the great end, for which these 
sacrifices were to be made, would have been actually 
realised. It remains to be proved that the paternal care 
of ihe general government would ctcuumpli^h more than 
the pride and emulation of individual states; and that 
people, in general, are more willing to preserve and im- 
prove what is given them, than what they acquire by their 
own individual exertion. 

It is a |)rinciple of the New Englanders to tax the com- 
munity with the support of common schools; because 
" people are more willing to send their children to school 
when they pay for it, than if education were to be had at 
no expense ; " and I am strongly inclined to extend the 
same process of reasoning to the grand idea of national 
improvements. But, be this as it may, experience has 
shown that, in America, national undertakings of this 
kind are less apt to succeed, and less gratefully received 
by the states whom they are intended to benefit, than in- 
dividual enterprise, in which they are obliged to invest 
their own money. The great western road has been an 



LOW RATES OF PASSAGE. 323 

immense expense to the government, but met with so 
little favor and co-operation on the part of the states 
through which it runs, that the latter could hardly be pre- 
vailed upon to charge themselves with the repairs of the 
part which was finished, much less to do any thing in aid 
of its construction or continuation. When Congress pro- 
posed to gather a toll for the purpose of defraying the ex- 
penses of the necessary repairs, Pennsylvania and some 
of the other states violently opposed the measure, on the 
ground that it would compromise their sovereignty. It 
was therefore abandoned, and in its stead an additional 
300,000 dollars (^^60,000 sterling) voted out of the 
treasury of the United Slates to finish the road, and sur- 
render it to the individual states, to keep and use it as 
the^^ may. This apparent laxity of the Americans to 
seize upon advantages offered them by others, evinces a 
disposition diametrically opposite to Malvolio's, " Some 
are born to greatness; some acquire greatness; and 
some have greatness thrust upon them." The Americans 
are altogether for acquiring greatness, and are therefore 
least apt to run mad, and expiate their follies in chains. 

The increased facilities of intercourse, and especially 
the use of steam, are yet productive of another happy re- 
sult, scarcely less deserving attention. The reduced ex- 
penses of travelling enable thousands of persons, who 
would otherwise be obliged to remain stationary, to try 
their fortunes abroad, or to journey for information. 
Life consists in motion ; and, as far as that goes, the 
United States present certainly the most animated picture 
of universal bustle and activity of any country in the 
world. Such a thing as rest or quiescence does not even 
enter the mind of an American, and its presence would to 
him be actually insupportable. The rates of fares and 
passages are so low, and so well adapted to the means of 
the great bulk of the population, that there is scarcely an 
individual so reduced in circumstances, as to be unable to 
afford his " dollar or so," to travel a couple of hundred 
miles from home, "in order to see the country and the 
improvements which are going on." On board the 
steamboats, meals are generally included in the price of 
passage, which, during a certain part of the season, is so 
reduced by opposition, as hardly to pay for the board 



324 ADVANTAGES OF TRAVELLING. 

alone ; in which case it is almost as cheap, or cheaper, 
to travel than to stay at home. 

The influence of these proceedings on the minds of the 
laboring classes is incredible. Instead of being confined 
to the narrow circle of their own acquaintances, and 
occupied chiefly with the contemplaiion of tlie steeple of 
their own native village, they have the same opportunity 
of widening the sphere of ilieir knowledge by travelling 
and personal observation of the manners of different peo- 
ple, which in other countries is enjoyed by gentlemen of 
moderate fortune, and from which the same order in 
Europe is almost entirely excluded. The absence of 
post-chaises or any other vehicles exclusively for the con- 
veyance of wealthy travellers, compels the latter to ac- 
complish iheir journeys in company with such men as 
they may chance to meet on the road ; and if these hap- 
pen to be mechanics or traders, an exchange of thought 
and sentiment takes place, which is often profitable to 
both parties. The laboring classes, which, in this man- 
ner, are brought in contact with the more polite orders 
of society, can hardly fail to improve in manners; and 
the higher and wealthier classes, who in most countries 
are totally ignorant of the sentiments and wants of the 
lower orders, receive, in turn, much valuable instruction, 
which, as it passes from one individual to another, is sure 
of finally reaching the halls of Congress. A mutual loss 
and compensation takes place, and the facilities of travel- 
ling are, again, employed in equalizing conditions. 

Much has been said on the anomalies of conduct of 
American travellers, especially on board of steamboats; 
and unjust comparisons have been drawn between them 
and the passengers in European boats, sufficiently preju- 
dicial to the former. No allowance, however, seems to 
have been made fur the different materials composing 
these companies, and the peculiar usages established on 
board of American boats. Were the passengers in 
European steamers composed chiefly of small traders, 
hawkers, journeymen mechanics and operatives of all 
descriptions, and permitted to sit down at the same table 
with the polite and wealthier classes, to partake of dainties 
which they only know from hearsay, without any ad- 
ditional charge, I, for my part, would not wish to witness 



AMERICAN STEAMBOATS. 3*25 

" the solecisms of deportment " of which they might be 
guilty. Add to this a liberal quotum of brandy, which on 
board of some of the steamboats is still handed round,* 
to be used at discretion, and it will be easy to fancy a 
picture which would more than shock the tender sensi- 
tiveness of an English tourist. When these circum- 
stances are taken into consideration, it will appear that 
what English writers have not said about American 
travellers, is the highest encomium they can possibly be- 
stow on their conduct; and that, notwithstanding the 
severity of their criticism on *' American manners," they 
were not aware of the class of society with whom they 
journeyed. Their negative reasoning goes further than 
their positive assertion, and furnishes the best proof that 
the dress, language and manners of the inferior orders of 
Americans partake so much of the characteristic of 
education, that Europeans mistake them for those of 
gentlemen. 

The American steamboats on the western rivers, and 
along the coast of the Atlantic, are of a very superior 
construction, both as regards speed and elegance of ac- 
commodation for passengers. They are now principally 
built on the low-pressure principle ; but have generally 
engines of very great power. The ladies' cabin, which 
is usually on deck, is separated from that of the gentlemen, 
and the latter have no admission to it except by the con- 
sent of all the occupants. At breakfast, dinner and tea, 
the ladies are invited down to take their seats at the head 
of the table, (meals being generally served in the gentle- 
men's cabin,) after which the gentlemen are permitted to 
take theirs ; and tiie usual ceremonies being passed, ac- 
tive operations are commenced on all sides with an 
activity of spirit, which allows no one to remain for a 
long time an indifferent spectator of the scene. 

After dinner, the ladies, accompanied by their respective 
gentlemen, are seen walking off to their apartment, while 
those of the latter, who have no such sweet incumbrance, in- 
dulge in the luxury of a cigar, or take a solitary stroll on 
deck. Few are waiting for the pastry or the desert, though 

* The temperance societies have abolished this custom on board of 
most of the steamboats. 

28 



326 , PUBLIC HOUSES. 

both are generally of the best kind; because it would oblige 
them to remain too long in a state of quiescence, which is 
contrary to their nature, and incompatible with their no- 
tions of comfort. 

The great advantages of American boats over those of 
Europe consist chiefly in their much greater proportions 
and consequently larger accommodations ; in the elegance 
of their fiiinitnre, the cheapness of the fares, and the 
great rapidity with which they accomplish their passages. 
Many of them contain state and drawing rooms, and all 
the conveniences to be found in the best hotels. One or 
two waiting women are always in attendance on the 
ladies, while the gentlemen are blessed with the indispen- 
sable attendance of a barber. Some of the larger boats 
are ornamented with a piano and other musical instru- 
ments ; and, in order that a "feast of reason" may not 
be wanting, a circulating library awaits the pleasure, 
principally of the ladies ; the gentlemen being on such 
occasions either satisfied with the "news of the day," or 
deriving more substantial comfort from a well-furnished 
bar, cont. lining the juice of the grapes of all climes, 
together with a little of the less flavored brandy and 
whiskey. On the western waters there are temperance 
boats, which furnish no such articles ; and it is more than 
probable that the progress of temperance will banish 
them also from on board the steamers of the Atlantic 
states. 

The public houses, with the exception of those in the 
large cities, are frequently owned by the proprietors of 
the road, or kept by persons interested in the steamboat 
or railroad companies, who contract for the conveyance 
of passengers. This adds much to the comfort and ex- 
pedition of travelling. Instead of being tormented by the 
officious off'eriiigs of an hundred cards, as is the case in 
Europe, an American traveller, on his arrival at a stop- 
ping place, is spared the trouble of inquiring for the best 
inn or hotel, by being at once carried to that which is 
prepared for his reception. Every thing there has its 
regular price ; so much for dinner, so much for supper, 
so much for the use of a room, &.c. ; so that it is easy to 
calculate, to the uttermost penny, the expenses of a journey 
of many hundred miles. No head waiter, waiter, chamber- 



PUBLIC HOUSES. , 327 

maid, porter, &c. are impeding his progress on the en- 
suing morning, by throwing themselves between his 
pocket and the boat or coach ; but, on tlie contrary, he 
finds, on rising, his kiggage ah'eady conveyed to the 
starting-place, and the strictest injunctions given to the 
servants, not to make any demands on tlie passengers. 
The only money given to servants on such occasions, is 
about 6d. for cleaning boots and brushing clothes, and 
even this is left at the discretion of the traveller. A 
very different custom, however, prevails in the hotels of 
the large cities. Many of the servants there, being bred 
in Europe, expect at least, if they do not actually demand, 
certain remunerations for their services, besides the wages 
which they receive from their employers ; and in the 
city of New York, one is hardly welcome without them. 
But then they are not nearly as exorbitant as either in 
England or France, and depend, still, principally on the 
good will of the donor. 

The charges made in the hotels comprise generally 
board and lodging, and average from one dollar (45. 6d.) 
to two dollars and fifty cents (Us. 3d.) per day. In the 
country they are much lower; good boarding and lodg- 
ing being obtained for three or four dollars (from 13s. 6d. 
to 18s.) per week. In the interior and the western states 
the price of board and lodging is still less ; averaging 
from one dollar fifty cents to two dollars per week, or 
about Is. 3d. per day. No wine, of course, is included in 
these prices ; but there are four good meals served every 
day, viz. breakfast, dinner, tea, and supper, at each of 
which a profusion of meat is brought on the table, and in 
many instances cider, beer, and even brandy are handed 
round, without any additional charge. 

The hotels in the large cities contain, besides the bar, a 
ladies' and a gentlemen's drawing-room, a number of 
sitting and smoking rooms, for the gratuitous use of the 
boarders — a news-room, and one or two large dining- 
rooms. These are all elegantly fitted up, and supply, in 
a measure, the want of private parlors, which are not 
easily obtained at an American hotel, and for which the 
charges are about as high, or higher in proportion, than 
in England. The table d'hote contains all the luxuries of 
the season, in the shape of viands, condiments and pastries 



328 BOARDING-HOUSES. 

which are to be found in the market, dressed partly in 
the French and partly in the EngHsh fashion, tojrether 
with the fruits of the country, and such supplements as 
are imported from Europe and India. In the summer a 
profusion of ice keeps water, hock and champaign in a 
state of delightful coolness, and becomes as indispensa- 
ble an article of consumption as fuel is in winter, or beef 
and bread at every season of the year. Dinners served 
at private rooms, or served at particular hours, are, 
nearly as expensive as in London ; but are seldom called 
for by native Americans. Wines in general, and of all 
kinds, are good, but dear; the best Madeira from three 
to ten and twelve dollars (13s. 6d. to 455. and 54s.) a 
bottle; hock from two to three dollars (9s. to 13s. 6d.;) 
claret the same as hock, slierry from one dollar to two 
dollars and a half (4s. 6f?. to 9s.,) and champaign from 
two to thiee dollars (9s. to 13s. 6d.). Port is little drank 
in the United States. English porter or ale is generally 
50 cents or 2s. i^d. per bottle. 

The high price of wines in the American hotels is the 
more surprising, as claret and hock pay but a small duty, 
and may be procured at a wine-merchant's at about one 
half or one fourth the prices I have named. But then, 
every charge being low, the only chance of profit of an 
inn-keeper in the United States is on the wines, of which 
the Americans profess to be the best judges, and for 
which, therefore, they are required to pay in proportion 
to their knowledge. 

One of the peculiarities in the lives of Americans con- 
sists in the practice of boarding. Single and married 
men, and whole families, prefer this mode of life, to 
taking lodgings by themselves, or going to the expense of 
housekeeping. Whatever inconvenience may be attached 
to this habit, it is, nevertheless, commendable on the score 
of economy, and, to a newly married couple, is the means 
of saving a number of servants. Many young men, who 
cannot afford renting a house, (which in America is very 
expensive,) are in this manner enabled to marry a little 
sooner than their means would otherwise allow them, 
and find, in their new state, an additional stimulus to in- 
dustry. Some of the boarding-houses are fashionable, 
and are kept by ladies of good families, whose reduced 



BOARDING-HOUSES. 329 

circumstances have compelled them to resort to this 
means of procuring an honest subsistence. An Ameri- 
can lady, whose husband dies without making a provision 
for her, or who is suddenly reduced to poverty by re- 
verses of fortune, finds a ready expedient in keeping 
a school^ or a hoarding-house, to extricate herself from 
the most urgent embarrassment. Moral and physical 
aliment is sometimes extended by the same hands — in 
which case the establishment is termed a hour ding- scJiovL 

The accommodations in most boarding-houses are 
good, and there are some of them established on the plan 
of regular hotels. The price of board averages from one 
half to two thirds of that of the regular inns, besides 
saving the enormous expense of wine, which either need 
not be called for, or is furnished at a much lower rate 
than at taverns. Gentlemen may also drink their own 
wine — in which case little or no charge is made for 
corkage. 

Good board for mechanics may be procured, in New 
York, or any other city on the Atlantic, at from two to 
three dollars per week, (9s. to 13s. 6d.) and, in the inte- 
rior, it may be obtained still cheaper. The wages of a 
journeyman mechanic in those cities, average from one 
dollar to two and even three dollars a day, (4s. 6d. to 9s. 
and I3s. 6d.) and are therefore often five or six times as 
high as their living. A single day's labor is often suffi- 
cient to support them a whole week, enabling them to 
save the earnings of the remaining days, or to employ 
them for other purposes. This, I believe, cannot be said 
of the same class of men in any other country — there 
being none in which the operatives are possessed of 
estates of three, four, and five hundred pounds, as in the 
United States. It explains also why the American opera- 
tives, with very few exceptions, have carried their points 
when they struck for higher wages. They could hold 
out longer without work than their employers could well 
spare them. They possess property, and with it the 
advantages of credit. 

Having thus enlarged on boarding-houses and taverns, 
I would willingly say a few words on those excellent 
accommodations which the Americans, and especially 
28* 



330 AMERICAN HOSPITALITY. 

the inhabitants of the southern states, offer so liberally to 
all strangers who feel disposed to accept them. I mean 
the good offices tendered by their hospitality. The houses 
of the people in the northern and eastern states are not 
generally constructed for the reception of strangers, 
(although this is by no means a characteristic of their 
dwellings,) and their kind feelings, therefore, confine 
themselves usually to invitations to dinners and parties; 
but the house of every southerner contains a number of 
apartments, solely fitted up for the reception of guests ; 
and so rigid are they in performing the duties of hospi- 
tality, that, even on leaving their estates for the east or the 
north, they provide for the strangers whom chance may 
happen to bring under their roofs whilst they are absent. 

A traveller will always be offered the use of a good 
room, an excellent larder, and a well-stocked cellar, on 
the estate of a planter, whether the owner be at home or 
abroad. No letter of introduction is required for that 
purpose ; it is sufficient that the stranger should have the 
exterior and manners of a well-bred man : it matters not 
from what country he comes, or what place he calls his 
home. A person may travel with his whole family and a 
numerous retinue, and will still be welcomed by his 
hospitable entertainers. This custom has made inns and 
taverns in the southern states almost useless ; and their 
accommodations, therefore, are much inferior to similar 
establishments of the north. But a southern planter will 
be sorry if a traveller take lodgings at an inn, while his 
own plantation is near; and will often wait on him in 
person, to invite him to the cheer of his house. 

Nor is it merely in the extension of hospitality, and, in 
general, in the friendly reception of strangers, that 
Americans evince the kindness of their dispositions. 
They are ready to assist foreigners with their counsel, 
with their influence, and, in many instances, with their 
fortunes. They are patient in their explanations, inde- 
fatigable in their services, and, of all people in the world, 
the most ready to make allowances for national and 
individual peculiarities. I know no country where a 
well-educated foreigner could be so certain of an honor- 
able reception, as in the United States, or where he would 



AMERICAN HOSPITALITY. 331 

SO soon be apt to make acquaintances and friends. He 
will not remain there long without forming some tie or 
attachment, and must be unfortunate indeed, if he cannot 
make it his home. Whatever be the motives of persons 
in visiting the United States, few will quit them without 
cherishing a grateful remembrance of their hospitable 
inhabitants. 



CHAPTER XL 



THE SOUTHERN PLANTERS. THEIR RELATION TO THE IN- 
HABITANTS OF THE NORTH. SLAVERY. 



The southern states of America have so many distinct 
features, and their interests are, by Europeans, supposed 
to be so much opposed to those of the north, that an in- 
quiry into their peculiar situation, and the feelings and 
sentiments of their inhabitants, cannot but be interesting 
even to an English reader. The south and the north 
have, in all countries, been considered as natural enemies 
to each other, and an apparent reconciliation between 
them as resting on no permanent basis. With regard to 
the southern and northern states of America this natural 
enmity seems to be fostered and increased by the intro- 
duction of negro slavery, the life and existence of one, 
and the dread and horror of the other party. 

Slavery, in the northern states has been attacked with 
every weapon which morality, religion, politics, supersti- 
tion and revenge could forge ; whilst the inhabitants of 
the south have been defending themselves with the an- 
guish of despair, and that unanimity of sentiment, which 
a sense of their common danger inspires. The contest 
is still going on, and, in its ultimate consequences, is 
supposed to threaten the Union. There are those who 
prophecy an unavoidable dissolution of it in less than 
twenty years ; while others, in their zeal to anticipate 
events, will not suffer a delay often ; and there is a class 
of religious fanatics who would wish the crisis still nearer 
at hand. They seem to have a peculiar predilection in 
favor of three grand divisions of the United States, viz. 



SLAVERY. 333 

the north, the west, and the south, which, it seems, would 
best suit their conception of national grandeur. 

I do not confess myself converted by either of these 
doctrines; but, on the contrary, maintain that the Union 
of the United States will last as long- as their individual 
prosperity, the period of the decline of which, I trust, is, 
at this moment, beyond the power of human calculation. 
I believe it as remote as the downfall of Great Britain, 
an event on which the continental politicians have specu- 
lated for more than two centuries, without extricating 
themselves from the puzzle ; and which they supposed to 
be prepared by the national debt of England in the same 
manner as the American catastrophe, by the fatal influ- 
ence of the negroes. Contrary to their expectations, 
however, they have seen England's power increase, and 
every new page of her history proclaim her national 
renown ; while the military chieftain, who threatened her 
peace, was hurled from his proud elevation, with the same 
overwhelming fatality which had favored his ill-boding 
progress. The destinies of England seemed to be under 
the protection of a special providence, which strengthen- 
ed her leaders in the battle and the cabinet, as if the 
cause of humanity had been identified with that of her 
freedom. Nor was it otherwise. England was the 
avenger of Europe, as she is now the only protector of 
liberty in whose honor the nations may trust, possessing 
the will and the power to oppose the incursions of bar- 
barism. 

America is laboring in the same cause. She, too, is 
wedded to freedom, notwithstanding the introduction of 
slavery, and the denunciations of bigoted partisans. But 
her freedom, her honor, her power, and her existence, are 
explicitly pledged in the Union. If this palladium of her 
liberty should once be lost or destroyed, peace would no 
longer dwell with her ; the different states would become 
mutual oppressors, and revive the history of Italy in the 
middle ages, with its horrors and bloodshed. Internal 
commerce would be burdened with onorous duties; the 
mouths of rivers would be shut to the enterprise of mer- 
chants, and industry, in all its branches, groan under 
exorbitant taxes. The expenses of government would be 
multiplied in an hundred-fold ratio, while the national 



334 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY 

credit would die with the national pledge. Each state 
would have to maintain its standing army; for, the first 
division being made, the subdivisions would follow, and 
create the instruments of tyranny. The lofty patriotism 
of Americans, which now embraces a world extending 
from one ocean to the other, would shrink into a local 
attachment; and their minds, now expanded with ideas 
of national progress, would contract into the sordid com- 
pass of unworthy prejudices. 

These awful consequences of a separation of the Union 
are known to every American, and there is no offset to 
them in any most distant advantage which one or more 
individual states might hope to derive from it. I cannot 
be persuaded, therefore, that it will ever be in the power 
of any one man, or set of men, to induce the inhabitants 
of a particular district to secede from (revolt against) the 
Union, unless a case should occur in which it were physi- 
cally impossible for that district to comply with the rigor 
of the laws. In this case, the oppressed party would be 
reduced to the mournful alternative of choosing between 
immediate destruction, or a more remote, but not less 
certain death and ruin. But then it would not be the 
rebellious district, but the majority of Congress, which 
would have passed such unnatural laws, which would 
have infringed upon the social compact, and dissolved 
the Union theoretically, by whatever physical or moral 
force they might succeed in maintaining it. 

But, even in this case we, might suppose the majority, 
which is capable of enacting these laws sufficiently strong 
to enforce them, even to the total ruin of the injured 
party. For, unless that majority were overwhelming, 
redress might be hoped for, from a change of opinion, and 
the injury borne with patience ; or the law itself would 
have too little moral force to be executed with that rigor, 
which nothing but the consent of all parties could justify 
in a democratic republic. 

I know of no national question, capable of producing 
this effect, unless it be a controversy on the abolition of 
slavery, on which subject Congress has no more power 
to legislate than on any other belonging to the internal 
government of the states ; and from which, therefore, it 
must ever refrain, if the dissolution of the Union is not to 
egin at the capitol. 



ON THE UNION. 335 

The question of the tariff does not bear the smallest 
resemblance to it; for it was at least one in which all the 
states were interested, though, perhaps, not in the same 
equal proportion which a strict adherence to justice might 
have rendere4^ desirable. Few financial measures can 
operate alike on all states ; but the sympathy for the suf- 
fering party can, on that occasion, never amount to a 
direct opposition to the law ; unless it were established 
that the power of repealing this law has been taken away 
from the people, and the hope thereby lost of obtaining 
legitimate redress. 

No such apprehensions were entertained with regard to 
the tariff of the United States ; and, on this account the 
conduct of South Carolina was generally condemned, 
though her grievances were readily redressed by the jus- 
tice and good sense of the nation. jNeither would the 
doctrine of nullification have spread in South Carolina 
itself, if the people in that state had not unfortunately be- 
lieved that the law of the tariff was but the precursor of 
others still more oppressive, and intended to interfere 
with their slaves. The inhabitants of that state had, in 
this respect, previously suffered from the undue inter- 
ference of northerners,* and their feelings, therefore, 
were in a morbid state of excitement, which required but 
little additional injury to burst into open indignation. 

If the south could be assured that the north would never 
interfere with their slaves, all fears of dissension would 
vanish; forthere is not one single subject capable of being 
brought before Congress which could operate so unequally 
on the different states, or injure a portion of them beyond 
the possibility of redress. 1 do not believe the south will 
ever secede from the Union, unless the north drive them 
away from it, which can hardly be their intention or 
policy. Such a campaign on the south can never become 
generally popular ; because it is as unprovoked as unjust, 
and could at best but distress the victors. It would be a 
war on the rights and privileges of others, without adding 
to the number of their own. 

But I have anticipated the subject, and will, no doubt, 
be considered as an advocate of the principle of slavery. 

* By itinerant preachers and publishers of incendiary pamphlets. 



336 SITUATION OF 

Nothing, however, can be further from my thoughts. 
Slavery cannot be defended on philosophical or religious 
grounds ; but where it once exists, is is but reasonable to 
look to the proper means by which it is to be abolished ; 
and not to choose those which, without advancing the 
moral condition of slaves, ruin and destroy their pro- 
prietors. The question admits of three distinct consid- 
erations, viz. the legal, the political, and the moral. Let 
us begin with the legal one. 

The slaves in the southern states are the property of the 
planters, a kind of property which is not transferable, 
except amongst themselves, and which would be of no 
value to the inhabitants of the northern states. When the 
northern states emancipated their slaves, it was really be- 
cause the expense of maintaining them was greater than 
the profits obtained from their labor, and because the 
same kind of work could be obtained as cheap, or cheap- 
er, by hiring the services of the whites. The negroes, 
moreover, are the foundation of every other species of 
property in the southern states; for wit hout them, real 
estate would be of no value, as it is physically proved 
that neither the climate nor the soil will ever admit of the 
independent labor of the whites. It is evident, then, that 
if the negroes be emancipated, they must be retained to 
cultivate the plantations, and the proprietors obliged to 
hire them ; which amounts to paying interest on their own 
capital. This single point presents at once three formi- 
dable obstacles to the abolition of slavery. 

1. They constitute a species of property which the 
planters cannot dis[)Ose of for any valuable consideration, 
and which, therefore, must be paid for by the liberators, 
by means of voluntary contributions or taxations.* The 
amount of this property is immense, as it may be com- 
puted at more than half tlie value of all real estate in the 
United States — the southern land being, on account of its 
])roductions, and especially those of cotton and rice, more 
valuable than any other in the country. The capital in- 
vested in the growth of cotton alone, was estimated at 

* I have not yet heard of the amount which the abolitionists of the 
northern states have subscribed for this purpose ; but feel quite certain 
it falls yet short of £20,000,000 sterling. 



THE SOUTHERN PLANTERS. 337 

eight hundred millions of dollars, or one hundred and sixty 
millions pounds sterling.* 

2dly. If the southern planters were deprived of their 
negroes, they would be entirely left without support. 
They cannot themselves cultivate the soil, on account of 
the climate ; neither could they in that case hire labor, 
unless the means of doing so were furnished them ; be- 
cause, by taking away their negroes, their property and 
their credit would at once be destroyed ; and they are 
neither by education nor habit prepared for any other 
occupation in life. 

3dly. It would be impossible for them to retain the free 
negroes on their estates, unless an exorbitant price be paid 
for their labor ; for they naturally prefer any other em- 
ployment, especially that of house servants, to field-labor 
in any of the states. The cultivation of the soil they deem 
more irksome and tedious than almost any other human 
occupation ; and they would have the means of emigrating 
to the north. The planters, therefore, would be involved 
in additional loss; because it would be impossible for 
them to produce cotton, rice, sugar, &c. as cheap as these 
articles are obtained in other parts of the world ; and they 
would not even be certain of producing them at all. It 
would consequently be necessary to compel x\\e negroes to 
remain, which is equally impossible in an open country, 
and in states where the negroes are more numerous than 
the whites. 

Here we see at once the immense advantage of position 
which the British possessions in the West Indies enjoy 
over the southern states of America. The negroes cannot 
emigrate thence to other fertile countries and obtain a higher 
'price for their labor ; and in case they should threaten to 
leave the plantations in a body, a military and naval force 
could more easily frustrate their designs on an island, 
than on the continent, where the states are only separated 
from one another by imaginary boundary lines. Thus, 
from the simple consideration of property, it appears that 
the abolition of slavery in the southern states of America 
would amount to a spoilation of the property of the plant- 

* Compare pages 277 and 278, Chapter X- 
29 



338 ORIGIN OF SLAVERY 

ers, together with the exclusion of the means hy which 
property may be acquired. 

But this is not all. To understand the whole force of 
this argument we must inquire in what manner the south- 
ern planters became possessed of that property ; in what 
manner they have retained it, and what right the inhabit- 
ants of other states have, to make that property the sub- 
ject of legislation. 

Slavery, we shall find, was almost forced upon the 
southern planters. Its introduction in Virginia served 
to increase the commerce of the mother country by aug- 
menting the produce of the colonies. A premium, there- 
fore, was held out to slave ships ; and the negroes being" 
once introduced into one state, the inhabitants of the 
others were obliged to imitate the example, if they wish- 
ed to make their plantations as productive as those of 
their neighbors.* The settlers who came after them and 
chose the southern states for their residence, proceeded 
thither in consideration of the prospects held out to them 
by the introduction of slaves. For, unless they had been 
promised the undisturbed possession of negroes, they 
might have invested their capital more profitably in the 
northern and western states, where they would have been 
able to increase it by their own labor. t 

Many settlements in the southern states were effected 
under the promise of slavery : it was a conditio sine qua 
non in the outset ; and now that their property is invested 
and bears interest, they are called upon to surrender it 
without being compensated for the loss ! 

The attempt to cultivate the southern soil without the 



*PrevioHS to ihe revolutionary war, the assembly of North Carolina 
passed a law prohibiting the further importation of slaves; but it was 
disallowed by England. 

t The climate of South Carolina is such, that, during the hot months 
of summer, the planters are obliged to retreat to the cities, though these 
be infected with the yellow fever ; because the fever which rages in the 
country (on the plantations) is still more dreadful and fatal. At ihe 
commencement of the warm season, therefore, the wealthier planters 
travel to the north, while men of moderate fortunes retreat to the cities 
or pine-barrens, which remain exempt from the epidemic. I have 
known wealthy planters who had made thirty or forty trips to the north 
(of GOO miles each) without feeling the inconvenience of their annual 
passage. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 339 

assistance of negro slaves, was made in the settlement 
of Georgia, but did not succeed, and the British govern- 
ment therefore was obliged to concede to that state also 
the right of introducing slaves. 

But what position did the southern states assume with 
regard to those of the north during the revolutionary war ? 
Did they not join the northern states on this condition, 
that the north should not interfere with their internal 
regulations of government? Was the slave question not 
implicitly implied in this clause? Did the north not 
solemnly agree to this stipulation 1 — The southern states 
would never have joined the bold measure of Massachu- 
setts, if they had not been promised the undisturbed 
possession of their rights and privileges, which had been 
granted to them in their charter by the kings of Britain. 
They could not have been supposed to join the other 
states in an attempt to resist arbitrary taxation, and 
sufter themselves to be despoiled of their property by 
their own brethren ! Without the co-operation of the 
south, and especially that of Virginia, which at that time 
was, with Massachusetts, the most powerful province of 
America, and subsequently produced the ablest statesmen 
to preside over the councils of the republic, it is more 
than doubtful whether the northern states would have 
been able to withstand the power of England, and estab- 
lish an independent government. But it is highly proba- 
ble that if the south had remained faithful to the cause of 
the king, their rights and privileges would not soon have 
been taken away from them ; and if Parliament had 
agreed not to interfere with their internal regulations of 
government, it is not to be supposed that they would have 
been molested in the quiet possession of their property. 

The British provinces on the continent of America 
were always more independent of the mother country 
than the islands of the West Indies. Some states en- 
joyed almost sovereign power, and, with the exception of 
the Navigation Act, which prevented them from trading 
directly with any other country but England, enjoyed all 
the privileges of independent states. The southern states 
were, at first, exempted from the heavy denunciations 
which the British Parliament hurled against the rebellious 
province of Massachusetts, with a special view to separate 



340 INCAPACITY OF CONGRESS 

the south from the north : even some of the obnoxious 
taxes were repealed, and yet the south clung to the north 
with all the attachment of a sister, freely sacrificing her 
wealth and her children for the protection of the liberties 
of the Union. This was done at the commencement of 
the struggle, and subsequently to the declaration of in- 
dependence. 

The inhabitants of the south had greater sacrifices to 
make during the revolutionary war than those of the north 
or east, and their position was far more precarious. The 
king's party in the southern states was powerful, and 
the horror of a civil war added to their resistance against 
Britain. Their coast, too, was more exposed and unde- 
fended, and their situation rendered double perilous by 
the proximity of the Indians, and their own slaves. If, 
at that time, the inhabitants of the south could have 
dreamt of an interference with the domestic institutions, 
they would assuredly have preferred remaining under the 
protection of England, to joining such dangerous friends 
in America. But not the least symptom of such an in- 
tention was manifested by the north. Congress was only 
to have the right of regulating commerce, declaring war 
or concluding peace, raising troops for the national de- 
fence of the country, and establishing a navy for the same 
purpose. The right of interfering with the internal regti- 
lations of the states was expressly denied to it, and con- 
sequently also the right of interfering with the slaves. 
This incapacity on the part of the general government to 
legislate on the subject of slavery has lately been corrobo- 
rated by a large majority of Congress, which, T trust, 
will postpone the question of arbitrary interference in- 
definitely, and destroy the hopes of the abolitionists. 

But I think tlie northern states have yet another duty 
to perform. They ought to imitate Congress in pro- 
nouncing their individual incapacity to interfere with the 
regulations of the south, and add to it an expression of 
public opinion on the unlawful interference of the aboli- 
tionists with the fundamental laws of the Union. Any 
attempt to compel the south to renounce the system of 
slavery, either by encouraging the slaves to oppose the 
will of their masters, or obliging the latter to surrender 
their rights to the will and pleasure of the majority of 



TO LEGISLATE ON SLAVERY. 341 

the north, would be tantamount to an assumption of 
sovereignty over the southern states, contrary to the 
original compact by which they are admitted as equal 
and independent. It would be a most violent usurpation 
of power and jurisdiction, incompatible with the federal 
constitution. It would be giving liberty to the negroes, 
by trampling on the rights of the whites; or, which is 
the same, reducing the inhabitants of the souih to subjects, 
by elevating their slaves to a sordid equality with the 
black servants of the north. The north would in this 
case be the aggressor ; not the south, who would but de- 
feud their own rights, and the principles of their original 
compact. 

The different states of the United States are as inde- 
pendent of one another, as any two sovereign powers in 
Europe ; and the north, therefore, has no more right to 
interfere with the laws of the south, than England has to 
demand of France the emancipation of her colonial 
slaves, because the government of Britain has emanci^ 
pated the negroes in the West Indies. 

On the question of abstract right, therefore, the pre- 
tensions of the abolitionists are ill-founded. Historical 
origin, acquired and paid for privileges, and the most 
solemn obligations of contract are on the side of the 
planters, while nothing but ideal justice, without the least 
regard to the means by which that justice is to be obtain- 
ed, seems to second the views of the former. An exten- 
sion of franchise to the negroes effected by such means 
as the abolitionists propose, would be slavery to the 
white inhabitants of the south, and only serve to redress 
a theoretical wrong, which is scarcely felt by the injured 
party, by the most flagrant injustice to those, who know 
and are jealous of their rights. 

I am fully aware there are those whose motto is " rea- 
son is older than law,^^ and who maintain that no right can 
be acquired, unless it be founded on justice, even if an 
hundred generations should have had possession of it, 
and abused it to the prejudice of others. To this objec- 
tion, which is purely philosophical and not legale I would 
only remark that abstract reason never founded or pre- 
served a state, and that according to this motto the very 
institution of government is an act of philosophical in- 
29* 



342 LEGAL CONSIDERATIONS 

justice. Do not the individuals who unite to form a state 
make a contract in which they hind their posterity! 
Have they a philosophical right to do so? Do they not 
relinquish certain rights which belong to them as men, in 
order to give power to the abstract person vi^hicli they 
call the state or the government 1 — Do they not often 
sacrifice their own individual prosperity to that abstract 
person ? — And are not these sacrifices unequal when 
compared to the benefits which accrue from them to the 
difterent members of society 1 Is not a state itself a 
surrogate for reason, established to act as a mediator be- 
tween absolute, philosophical right, and the means by 
which that right is to be secured ? 

Whenever a question of abstract justice arises, the 
sequel, by what means can it be obtained ? must follow ; 
though 1 am willing to admit, that the best state or gov- 
ernment is that which possesses the best means of obtain- 
ing philosophical justice. In the variation and adaptation 
of these means, consist the diff'erent changes of govern- 
ment : the philosophical rights of men are always the 
same and invariable, and must remain so to the end of 
time. 

From the very definition of a state, then, it follows that 
mere philosophical justice must be sacrificed, when the 
government lacks the means of administering it ; or when 
the means devised for that purpose are in direct opposi- 
tion to otlier rights still more precious, and clearly estab- 
lished. No right can grow from an absolute wrong, and 
the act which claims to be just must not be accomplished 
by injustice. 

Neither is the question of slavery, as it now stands in 
the United States, one of philosophical justice between the 
north and the south; but simply one of contract. I do not 
pretend that the southern states have not themselves the 
right of abolishing slavery, whenever they shall have 
found the means of performing this act of humanity ; it 
will even be their duty to do so as soon as it can be ac- 
complished without destroying the government itself; — 
for it would be absurd to sacrifice the government to one 
of the purposes of government : — but with regard to the 
north, it is a morbid sensation of wrong, which they 
themselves do not suffer, and from which they have no 



ON SLAVERY. 343 

riglit to seek relief, because they have solemnly agreed 
not to interfere with it. They have received a valuable 
consideration for that agreement, in all the sacrifices 
which the south has made to the north ; and after having 
accepted these, it would be a breach of trust, honesty, 
and good faith, to infringe on the conditions of the 
compact. 

The government of the United States was not instituted 
to redress individual wrongs, but for the purpose of pro- 
curing justice for the nation, and defending her against 
a common antagonist. The different states which were 
parties to that compact, did not consider it necessary, for 
the safety of the community, to surrender their sovereign- 
ty, and have, therefore, only made such concessions to 
the government of the confederacy, as they deemed 
necessary to eflfect a strong and permanent Uuion. The 
administration of justice was expressly reserved to the 
states, except with regard to ofi^'ences committed against 
the laws of Congress; and they were treated as indepen- 
dent, by the head of the general government. Every 
new state which has since been admitted into the Union, 
was admitted as an independent state, with the same 
indisputable title to their own domestic government, — the 
privilege of enacting laws for the regulation of property, 
and the administration of justice. Now, if the United 
States do not possess, and never did possess, the right of 
interfering with the internal policy of the south, what 
right has any one state of that Union to infringe upon the 
strictest neutrality ? In case of interference, the northern 
states would not claim justice, but assume the judge's 
seat, and deal it out at their pleasure. And in what 
cause ? In one in which they have not been appealed to ; 
in which no complaint is made to them, and in which 
they themselves are the offenders, and hasten the com- 
mission of the crime. 

The case does not bear the slightest resemblance to 
the peculiar circumstances of any European nation. It 
is indeed one without a parallel in history, and to which, 
it would be absurd to apply any modern or ancient prece- 
dents. There never existed a government similar to that 
of the United States ; nor was slavery, on the principle 
of the southern states, ever introduced in any country. 



344 POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

The American slaves belong to a different race, a dif- 
ferent continent, and a different clime. They have no 
community of sentiment, attachment or habit, with the 
other inhabitants of the country. Their jDhysical and 
moral conformation are different from that of the whites, 
and there exists a natural (instinctive) dislike between 
the two races, which will forever prevent their uniting 
into one and the same family. In short, there is not a 
principle of liberty in any part of the world, which, in its 
application to negro slaves, would not have to be consid- 
erably modified in order to produce results, in the least 
degree similar to those which are anticipated from its 
application to the condition of other men. 

So far, I have spoken only of the legal considerations 
which forbid the interference of the north with the system 
of slavery to the south : let us now consider the matter in 
its political bearings. Let us inquire what influence the 
emancipation of the slaves would have on the tranquillity, 
prosperity, and final progress of the whites? — and what 
results it would produce with regard to the condition of 
the negroes ? 

It has often been remarked that America is the only 
country which is yet tainted with slavery, while even the 
most absolute powers of Europe condemn it, as contrary 
to the laws of God and humanity. There are republicans^ 
they add, more unjust to their fellow-beings than any 
monarch ever was to his subjects, or any aristocracy to 
the common people. 

However plausible this argument may at first appear, 
there is not a shadow of truth or substance in it. For 
the northern powers of Europe, who would give liberty 
to the negroes, would only elevate them to an equality 
with their subjects, who are themselves slaves ; and the 
aristocracy of Europe never dreamed of feeding and 
clothing the people, in order to lay claims to their labor. 
The lower classes of many countries in Europe are so 
overburdened with taxes, that they are compelled to 
commit their bodies to the most painful hardships in 
order to procure a subsistence ; and are not less laboring 
for the comfort and convenience of the higher classes, 
than the slaves for their masters in America ; with this 
exception perhaps, that when they grow old and decrepit, 



ON SLAVERY. 345 

they are not provided for by their rich employers, as the 
negroes by the American planters; and their children 
are equally exposed to famine. As regards the freemen 
to the north of Europe, they belong, body and property, 
to their respective sovereigns, who may tax them, or 
command their lives as they think fit, and compel them 
to serve as soldiers, while their wives and children may 
beg their bread on the high roads.* Is there no cruelty 
in separating a poor husbandman from his house and 
home, and letting his family starve, in order to lead him 
to the slaughter 1 The affecting scenes of such depar- 
tures, for the martial glories of the camp, are neverthe- 
less well worth being compared to similar barbarities in 
the southern states of America; only that the Americans 
fight their own battles, and employ their negroes exclu- 
sively for domestic and peaceable purposes. 

There is no moral freedom in a country in which the 
people are only the tool of the higher classes, or so taxed 
as to bo scarcely able to procure what is necessary for 
their physical support. The man who has been laboring 
all day, and, after his scanty repast, turns wearied to 
his wretched bed, is not apt to dream of liberty. Let his 
political condition be what it may, he remains the slave 
of his body, the cravings of which will ever overpower 
his reason. Liberty, in order to be prized, must be join- 
ed to the possession of property, or, at least, to a reason- 
able chance of its acquisition; and unless this hope can 
be held out to the negroes, it is more than doubtful 
whether emancipation would improve their condition. 

In none of the states, where the negroes have been 
emancipated, have they been able to rise above the con- 
dition of inferior servants ; in none have they thus far 
acquired respectability or property.! I will not, now, 
enter upon tlie causes of this result, but merely state it 
as a fact, which, whatever may be the reason, is never- 

* I have known Prussian and Austrian invalids, who were permitted 
to beg, in consideration of the services they had rendered to their re- 
spective countries; and in order the better to succeed in their new 
vocation, the Austrians were presented with hand-organs. 

t If, in a very few instances, negroes have acquired moderate proper- 
ty, their case is rather an exception to the rule, — hundreds of them be- 
ing hardly able to procure situations as under-servants. 



346 POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

theless general throughout, and therefore deserving of 
the most serious consideration. Tlie physical condition 
of the liberated negroes of the northern states, is by far 
worse than that of the southern slaves ; and they are con- 
sequently much more exposed to the commission of crimes 
and the punishment of the law, than any other class of 
human beings in America. Whether under these circum- 
stances their moral advantages are increased, isstijlmore 
doubtful ; for without the means of making themselves 
respected or respecting themselves, they cannot value 
either morality or virtue, and are, in most cases, at a loss 
how to define either one or the other. 

Let us now consider the circumstances under which the 
negroes were emancipated in the northern states of 
America, and lately, in the British West Indies, and com- 
pare them to those in which the southern planters are 
placed, in order to see what analogies there exist between 
them. 

The northern states, as I have said before, perceived 
that the evils of slavery overbalanced, by far, the advan- 
tages which they derived from it; and became greater in 
proportion as the latter were on the decline. In every 
state where slavery is introduced, the increase of the white 
population is proportionably less, but that of the blacks, 
greater than in a free state. The slaves are better fed, 
better clothed, and have fewer cares than the free ne- 
groes, who, in the northern states, are daily diminishing, 
and must, in course of time, become entirely extinct. In 
a colony it matters little whether the white population in- 
creases or not. As long as it is small, property will not 
suffer subdivision ; and the planters, on acquiring a for- 
tune, may return to their own country to enjoy it. But 
the case is altered when that colony becomes an indepen- 
dent state, in which every citizen has a permanent resi- 
dence and a home. It then becomes necessary to con- 
sider the lasting advantages of the country, and among 
these will be found but few accruing from slavery. 

In the first place, slavery is a severe tax on the plant- 
ers, which none but the richest can pay, and for which 
no other produce save that of the southern climes will 
make an adequate return. The owner of slaves has to 
support them before they are able to work : he has to 



ON SLAVERY. 347 

comfort them in sickness, and has to provide for them in 
old age. He is subject to great losses by deaths and dis- 
eases, and, by his own interests, invited to spare their 
health and abilities. A farmer in a free state only pays 
for the labor he receives, and, what is still better, can make 
his own labor available. He neither supports children 
nor old men ; and, in case of illness, provides himself with 
other servants. 

Again, slavery introduces a strong physical force into 
the state, which requires supervision, and cannot be en- 
trusted to any but the masters themselves. But this is 
not all. Slavery either enhances the price of white labor, 
or excludes it entirely from the soil. It therefore checks 
all manner of trade, and confines even commerce to the 
exportation of produce, and the importation of such arti- 
cles as are actually required for consumption. For the 
same reason it checks the progress of manufactures and 
every other species of industry, which advances the pros- 
perity of a state. Slavery, therefore, was an impediment 
to the progress of the northern states, and they felt it as 
such, especially the laboring classes. What therefore 
could have been more natural, than for them to devise a 
means, to remove so great an obstacle to their individual 
and national advancement. Not only was slavery a bur- 
then to them ; but they could abandon it without any of 
those difficulties which would accompany emancipation 
in the southern states. The work which was done by 
their slaves, they knew would be readily performed by 
poor emigrants from Germany and Ireland, at a less cost 
than the negroes, and the climate admitted of their per- 
sonal exertion in trade and commerce. Property, instead 
of being principally confined to real estate, must take a 
thousand different channels, and enrich every class of 
society. They could hope to subdivide estates without 
diminishing their relative value. This cannot be done in 
the south. An estate with ten negroes is not worth one 
tenth of one with an hundred slaves; and a further di- 
vision would entirely destroy its value. The expenses of 
a large southern estate are nearly the same as those of a 
small one ; but the profits on the latter are hardly suffi- 
cient to cover them. In the northern states, on the con- 
trary, large estates are seldom as productive as small 



348 POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

ones, which the proprietor can oversee and cultivate with 
little assistance. 

All these circumstances were in favor of independent 
labor: the north had every reason to hope that labor 
would be Mred cheaper than they were able to 'purchase it; 
and the climate itself was unfavorable to the constitution 
of the ne^^roes. The negroes were too precarious a prop- 
erty, and required too constant an attention to be kept 
with profit or safety. I do not mean to say that morality 
and rehgion had not their due influence in persuading the 
minds of the people ; but it is but reasonable to suppose, 
that even the sacred commandments of God are less apt 
to be resisted when they agree with the interests of men. 

The SDUthern states are very differently circumstanced. 
The produce of their soil enables them to pay for their 
slaves, and more than compensates for the losses by mor- 
tality and disease. If they surrender their slaves, no 
European emigrants will fill their places ; because the 
climate of the south is fatal to the constitutions of the 
whites, especially as regards field-labor; but agrees with 
the conformation of the negroes. The south, therefore, 
can never compete with the north in any species of free 
labor, and is, consequently, obliged to derive its wealth 
from the soil. If the negroes were free, they would be a 
set of privileged workmen; because they alone would be 
capable of cultivating the soil. The southern planters 
would be obliged to pay a higher price for their labor; 
they would no longer be able to extend or diminish their 
operations at pleasure, and, at the same time, would be 
prevented, at home, from investing their money in some 
other business. The negroes would become powerful, 
while their masters would become poor ; and were they 
as economical, enterprising, and sagacious as the whites, 
could not fail finally to possess themselves of the estates, 
and drive the whites from the country. 

The situation of the planters in the West India islands 
is much more analoijous to that of the inhabitants of the 
southern states of America. Soil and climate are alike 
favoring ihe natives of Africa, while they breed death and 
diseases amongst the whites. It is, I believe, generally 
admitted that without the assistance of negroes, it would 
be impossible for the proprietors to live there ; nor could 



ON SLAVERY. 349 

they personally cultivate their estates. They are depen- 
dent for manufactures on other countries; and their active 
commerce is confined to the exportation of their produce. 
But the West India islands do not form so many inde- 
pendent states entrusted with their own governments. 
They possess no elective franchise on the principle of that 
introduced in the United States, which gives the whole 
power to the people, and are, therefore, not injured in 
their political rights by the emancipation of their slaves. 
They do not entirely depend for safety on their own re- 
sources ; but are protected by a powerful army and navy, 
the expenses of which are defrayed by the government of 
another country ; and, being islands, are more easily pro- 
tected than the scattered inhabitants of a vast continent. 
They have not the same attachment to the soil, and con- 
sider it not as their home. They are the subjects of Great 
Britain, and look on their estates as a merchant on his 
stock in trade. They possess no sovereignty which is 
compromised by the manumission of their slaves ; but are 
provinces of a mighty empire, which stands pledged to 
protect their lives and properties. 

Neither had they any direct influence on the govern- 
ment of that empire, as the southern states of America 
have upon the deliberations of Congress, and were, there- 
fore, neither answerable for the errors of that government, 
nor apprehensive of giving to the negroes the power of 
making laws for the benefit or ruin of the country. They 
had less to lose, less to fear, and less to answer for. They 
were obliged to accept a measure which they themselves 
never proposed, and may, in consequence, lose their 
property, but not their country. 

Neither is it at all probable that the West India pro- 
prietors would have accepted the measure, if it had not 
been forced upon them by the Parliament of England. 
Those who are obliged to live with the negroes, have, 
naturally, greater prejudices against them, than the phi- 
lanthropist who respects in them the abstract dignity of 
man. The dangers of life and property, to which a pro- 
prietor is exposed, are not apt to influence a legislator at 
a distance of three or four thousand miles from the scene ; 
but they have a most powerful effect on those who are 
immediately exposed to them. The experiment is but 
30 



350 POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

just being tried ; and the result, thus far. is not so inviting 
to the southern planters of America, as is represented 
generally to the British public. 

But there is yet another question which I would pro- 
pose to English philanthropists. Would they have been 
as ready to exert themselves for the emancipation of the 
negroes, if the latter had been mixed with the population 
of Engl mid, or if their number had surpassed that of the 
native subjects of Britain ? The population of England 
is now above fourteen millions. Suppose eight or nine 
millions of these were negroes, or a race of beings whose 
whole civilization is thus far propt on that of other 
countries, and whose independent advancement in the 
arts and sciences is wholly problematic ; — suppose, I say, 
it were known that they are possessed of strong animal 
passions and propensities, naturally repugnant to the 
English ; would they have been willing to arm these eight 
or nine millions, and give them the same rights and privi- 
leges which they themselves possess, or the same share in 
the governnient of their country, even after a certain lapse 
of years, when the least misuse of that power would lead 
them to inevitable destruction ? Why are there those who 
would not grant these rights to the Irish ? a people be- 
longing to the same human family, capable of the same 
feeling, and possessed of those admirable qualities of mind 
which produced a Wellington, a Burke, a Sheridan, or an 
O'Connell! 

The negro pojiulation of the United States may now 
amount to about two millions five hundred thousand, and 
it is in many of the slave-holding states more numerous 
than that of the whites. These states do not contain a 
single fortified place, capable of withstanding a siege; 
they do not even contain a town surrounded by a moat or 
a wall, and no garrison or detachment of a standing 
army, to protect them in case of a revolt. They could 
not even avail themselves of the strength arising from 
congregation. Their habitations are scattered over a wide 
surface of land, and their families are surrounded by ne- 
groes. A man's wife and children might be murdered, 
and his home be a prey to the flames, before tidings could 
reach his next neighbor, or before measures could be con- 
certed for the preservation of the lives of the whites. 



ON SLAVERY. 351 

The army of the United States consists scarcely of 
seven thousand men, including officers and privates, 
scattered over the forts and seaports of the country. 
Their whole number, therefore, would not be sufficient to 
quell a negro insurrection in any of the southern states ; 
and until the militia could assemble, one half of them 
might be put to the sword. 

Such is the position of the southern planter in the 
United States. He has not the means of defending him- 
self against a possible attack of the negroes, yet he is 
desired to make them free and arm them : he has no 
property except that which is invested in negroes, yet he 
is desired to surrender it, and then to protect his country ; 
he is incapacitated for every other human employment, 
and yet he is to be molested in the possession of his 
estate, and taxed for the support of the government. No 
compensation is offered for his losses ; no additional 
means provided for his personal safety ; no citadels built 
for the protection of his wife and children. 

But he is supposed to do more. He is to grant to the 
negroes the right of suffrage ; for, unless he did so, his 
negroes would still be slaves — though, of course, less 
obedient and manageable slaves. He is then to surrender 
to them the power of legislation ; for they compose in 
many states a majority, and would, therefore, be able to 
carry whatever measure they might choose to propose. 
Thus all that man holds most sacred, life, property, jus- 
tice, and the law itself, would be placed at the mercy of 
the negroes, in order to favor an experiment, which in 
case of a fatal issue, would engulph the happiness of 
millions ! 

A law for the emancipation of the negroes in the 
United States is not like any other law, which may be 
repealed, whenever it is found to produce mischief. It is 
a die which is cast forever ; for the power once departed 
from the whites, could not be made to return thither, 
without the horrors of a war, and the total extinction of 
the black race in the southern states of America. 

And what influence would the liberation of the slaves 
have upon the councils of the nation? At the present 
moment the southern states are strongly connected and 
allied to one another by their common interest in slavery, 



352 POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

and by the necessity of a common defence against a 
possible interference with their domestic arrangements 
on the part of the northern states. If their negroes were 
emancipated, this common interest would, in a great 
measure, be destroyed. The southern states could not 
assist each other in case of a rebellion ; because each of 
them would in this case be too much occupied at home : 
they would have to make their peace with the inhabitants 
of the north, and implore or purchase their protection. 

The southern stales would become rivals of each other ; 
because, labor being free, and the negroes the only per- 
sons to perform it, the latter would be apt to give the 
preference to some particular states, and bent upon de- 
serting the others. The southern influence in Congress 
would be wholly destroyed ; for, not only would the 
states be divided amongst themselves, but each state 
again between the whites and the negroes. There would 
be no power to check or direct tlie passions of their 
emancipated slaves, as their superior numbers would 
make them the legislators of the country. Thus the 
physical, moral, and political existence is threatened by 
the abolition of slavery ; and it is therefore but prudence 
and duty to pause and reflect, before hazarding so great 
an experiment. 

I do not pretend to describe the situation of the West 
India planters ; but it can scarcely be doubted ihat their 
prosperity is on the decline. The emancipation of ne- 
groes may precipitate events, and must at least, for a 
time, render the position of the proprietors precarious. 
The white and black races can never be made to amalga- 
mate, and where they exist mutually independent on one 
another, must always assume an attitude more or less 
hostile to each other's interests. The physical power is 
on the side of the Africans — the moral strengtlj will al- 
ways rest with the whites. The climate of the West 
Indies does not favor the increase of the latter, and de- 
stroys even their moral energies. There is a point be- 
yond which intellect cannot triumph over ])hysical obsta- 
cles, and there may be a time in tlie future history of the 
British West Indies, when the small number of whites, 
supported even by the presence of a powerful navy, will 
not be able to overcome the onslaught of the multiplied 



ON SLAVERY. 353 

negroes, who, for aught I know, may be destined to be- 
come masters of the country. Let the feud be once 
began, and the proprietors must quit their plantations; 
for it is only in the garrisoned towns, where they may 
hope for protection and safety. 

The power of intellect in repelling barbarous masses 
consists in the discipline of numbers, and in that peculiar 
elevation to which men are raised by their mutual influ- 
ence on one another. This superiority, which the white 
race has always enjoyed over all others, cannot avail 
them individually, and especially not on their plantations, 
where physical force must decide. Once driven thence, 
their combats in the field would not profit them. They 
cannot have a force in every direction, and it would be 
the negroes who would fight for their homes ; while the 
planters would, in a measure, become the invaders. 
They might visit the transgressions of the negroes on 
their heads ; but they could never return to their planta- 
tions, and trust in the good faith of the conquered. 
Whatever might be the issue of such a war, its ultimate 
consequences must be the desertion of the colony by all 
who hold real estates. Without negroes they could not 
be cultivated ; and their presence would be dangerous to 
the planters. A wise government may delay the com- 
mencement of hostilities ; but it is difficult to foresee by 
what means their occurrence is to be rendered impossi- 
ble ; and until that security is obtained, the West India 
planters must sleep, with the sword of Damocles over 
their heads. 

But in case of a war between the blacks and the whites, 
the southern planters of America would be in a still more 
deplorable condition. They could not even escape from 
their negroes, and seek the protection of the seaports. 
Whither could the inhabitants of Tennessee, Alabama, 
and Missouri flee for assistance ? Whichever way they 
would turn, they would again meet their enemies. Their 
only salvation would be to stand and fight the unequal 
battle, let the consequences be what they may. Suppose 
they should conquer, would their foes not again increase 
and threaten them with a similar war ? Can there be 
any hope of permanent peace between two so unequal 
parties 1 The negroes in the southern states increase 
30* 



354 MORAL CONSIDERATIONS 

faster than the whites. To whatever number, therefore, 
they might be reduced by a war, they would again become 
more numerous than tlie whites ; and then the battle 
would renew. It is only by an immense moral supe- 
riority of the whites, that the blacks are kept in subjec- 
tion, or suffered to increase without disturbing the peace 
of the country. Any material change in their present 
position would make them assume an attitude hostile to 
the whiles, and sow the seeds of discord. The negroes 
would have all to win, the planters all to loose, while the 
battle-field would be nearly one half of the United States. 
It would be a war in fury unequalled in history ; for the 
hatred of the two races would sanction every species of 
cruelty, and drown the voice of humanity in a desperate 
struggle for existence. No quarter would, none could 
be given, consistent with the principle of safety ; neither 
could peace be established except by the total extermina- 
tion of one of the belligerent parties. 

Let us now consider the moral and philosophical merits 
of the question. Tliere is something so revolting to the 
mind, in the very idea of slavery, that I can easily con- 
ceive why Europeans generally should be so averse to 
the doctrine. No man has a right to consider his fellow- 
being as his property, and to dispose of him according 
to his pleasure. The first perpetration of such a crime 
degrades both the slave and the master, and is equally 
injurious to both. The master becomes dependent on 
the slave, as much as the slave on his master, whatever 
be the power which the latter may exercise over the 
former. It is apt to lessen the feelings of humanity in 
the oppressors, and to fill the slaves with the most fiendly 
passions of revenge against their unnatural extortioners. 
The slave must either rise in resistance, or become so 
abjectly destitute of feeling as to be unworthy of protec- 
tion or pity. 

These are truths admitted as axioms by all men. It 
remains for us only, to give the definition of slavery. If 
we define it as an abuse of power, in one man, and a 
forced submission to that power in the other, we shall 
find that it exists in almost every part of the world ; though 
it is disguised in a variety of shapes, and often in the 
form of justice. We must, therefore, seek for a more 



ON SLAVERY. 355 

narrow definition, perhaps in these terms : " Slavery con- 
sists in reducing or retaining those, who would otherwise 
be our equals, in a state of servitude, by means of abso- 
lute force." I have added " absolute,''^ because the idea 
of violence is most revolting to our feelings. We would 
hardly commiserate a slave, who should have voluntarily 
submitted his person to the will and pleasure of another, 
in order to obtain a subsistence. But even this defini- 
tion does not apply to the negroes. It remains to be 
proved that the African negroes are equal to the whites ; 
and that in forming part of the same state, in any other 
condition, they would not be subjected to the will and 
pleasure of the latter. If it could be made out that the 
negroes are naturally inferior to the whites, or incapable 
of enjoying the same rights and privileges without en- 
dangering the safely of moral and political institutions ; 
if it could be established that their physical passions are 
greater, and their judgment and understanding more 
limited than those of the white race, then these facts 
would, at least, contain an apology for retaining the 
negroes in bondage ; though it would not establish a right 
to abuse their inferior capacities. 

When I speak of slavery, I speak of what exists, and 
not of the principle which established it. The first in- 
troduction of slavery, I consider as an act of abomina- 
tion, which, in its fatal retribution, has retarded the 
progress of the white race wherever it was admitted. 
But the states which are now burdened with it, must 
naturally adopt a difi'erent method of reasoning. They 
must start from given premises, and not from general 
principles. They must apply their philosophy to a par- 
ticular case, not to humanity in general. 

It is very certain that the negroes would not have left 
Africa, if they had not been carried away in European 
vessels ; and it is equally certain that they would not 
have been introduced into America, if they had not been 
brought thither to be sold. They have since increased 
in numbers, -and become naturalised on the American 
soil. They have had the means of acquiring a certain 
degree of civilization, and have, in their intercourse Vvith 
the whites, assumed a particular character. This char- 
acter, in its relation to the original African, and to that 



356 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

of the American people, we must now consider, in order 
to pronounce on the claims of the blacks to a philosoph- 
ical equality with the whites. But before I proceed 
further, I must state that I write this as a German, and 
not as an American partisan ; as a person whose educa- 
tion made him detest slavery in all its various ramifica- 
tions, whether the slaves were black or white ; and as one 
who has no further interest at stake than that which is 
identified with truth. I have lived in several slave-hold- 
ing states, in North and South America, and have had an 
opportunity of impartial observation. I never held any 
property in the least connected with slavery, and was a 
stranger to the inhabitants of those countries. 

I must then give it as my honest conviction, that the 
negrttes are an inferior human race, and not capable of 
enjoying, without excess, the same degree of freedom as 
Americans. In order not to be misunderstood, — as the 
latter clause will hold of the people of many other coun- 
tries, — I will add, that I think the negroes wholly unin- 
clined to, and entirely incapacitated for, living in a state 
of society similar to that of the whites ; and that, i/* tlic^ 
were capable of forming such a state of society, they ivould 
not form it while surrounded by the whites. 

With regard to the mental inferiority of the negroes, 
the argument may be divided into an examination of the 
reasoning of those who pretend that they are equal to 
the whites, but only backward in education, and a proper 
illustration of facts, calculated to establish the propo- 
sition. 

Those who take it for granted that the negroes have 
the same capacities as the whites, belong generally to a 
set of philosophers accustomed to reason a priori; in 
whose minds the idea of humanity is so abstract and ex- 
alted, that they cannot apply it to any particular race, 
without bestowing on it its inestimable attributes. "They 
are men," they say, "why should they not be possessed 
of the same qualities as men ? " In vain will any one 
plead the difference in color, conformation of limbs, and 
especially the different formation of the skull. " They 
possess the main physical characteristics," they will re- 
ply, and "therefore the principal qualities of the mind." 
But the argument is exactly the reverse. They have very 



ON SLAVERY. 357 

marked distinctions from any other race of men ; and 
where nature points out a physical disproportion, we 
may in all cases safely conclude that a moral one corres- 
ponds to it. 

And how does history support their arguments ? All 
other people have either themselves laid the foundation 
of their civilization, or, of their own free will, imitated 
the refinements of others. The neo;roes have been known 
to the remotest people of antiquity, but always in the 
same state in which we know them now, though they 
have had commercial intercourse with foreign nations, 
and visited, in part, other countries. What are their 
manners and customs now ? The same as two thousand 
years ago. It is usual for a people to express their 
natural inclinations in their favorite amusements, among 
which the national dance occupies the foremost rank. 
The Scotch dance is expressive of strong martial incli- 
nations ; the German waltz bears the strongest character- 
istic of the peculiar frankness and gaiety of the Germans; 
the French quadrille expresses the desire of pleasing by 
graceful attitudes ; the fandango is indicative of unre- 
frained passion ; but the original negro-dance is stamped 
with the marks of brutal sensuality. So are their or- 
naments. Those of the bodies consist chiefly of the 
entrails of animals; those of the interior of their houses, 
of ordure. 

The same brutality they evince in their worship. 
Their idols are the most hideous, and their adoration the 
most ferocious of any people with which we are acquaint- 
ed; and they are almost entirely destitute of that noble 
virtue of barbarous nations, for the sake of which we 
willingly pardon a number of other foults — bravery. 
Compare the negroes to the American Indians. The 
former with his frightful gods and base cowardice — the 
latter with his sublime belief in the "Great Spirit," and 
his utter contempt for human sufferings and death. The 
eloquence and poetry of the Indians, and the dullness and 
want of imagination of the negroes. And yet there are 
few persons, who have had an opportunity of observing 
the Indian character, would believe the "red men" 
capable of the same degree of civilization as the whites; 
and the experience of two centuries seems to warrant this 



858 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

ungenerous belief. What then are we to think of the 
moral perfectibility of the negroes, who are avowedly 
inferior to the Indians? The civilization of which the 
negroes are reputed to be possessed, they have not ac- 
quired of their own accord ; it has been forced upon 
them, and is, thus far, only upheld and nourished by the 
whites. 

Herein consists another distinction between them and 
the Indians. It is from their feebleness, and because 
they have no character of their own, that they are willing 
to ape the arts of civilization. The Indian is too proud 
to imitate the white man ; he is too ardent a lover of 
liberty — tiie child of the American forests — to submit to 
American legislation. 

Hamilton observes, in his work, that he witnessed an 
exhibition of negro boys at a school for black children in 
New York. In his opinion, they answered questions in 
geography "which would have puzzled himself." This, 
I doubt not, was as the learned author says. But then 
geography is a mere matter of memory, which is no dis- 
tinct faculty of the mind, and of which inferior intellects 
are sometimes possessed in a very superior degree. Mr. 
Hamilton further states, that the teacher informed him 
of the precocity of his pupils, in acquiring most elemen- 
tary branches of a common school education at an earlier 
period than white children. This was the assurance of 
a black teacher, referring, probably, to spelling or read- 
ing. But when did we hear of negroes cultivating the 
arts and sciences ; though there are persons of color in 
the United States, possessed of considerable property 1 
What is the system of schools introduced by the free, 
independent negroes in St. Domingo ? What progress 
have they made in any of the arts 1 The Indians of 
America had their own languages, some of which are 
highly flexible and sonorous;* negro civilization has not 
even a tongue for its basis, as a rallying point for the 
arts. A French negro is a mutilated Frenchman ; an 
English, a caricature of an Englishman ; the Spanish, a 

* See Zeisberj^er's Grammar of the Delaware Indian Language, 
translated into English by Mr. Duponceau of the Academy of Sciences 
in Philadelphia. 



ON SLAVERY. 359 

bad copy of his indifferent original : wherever the negroes 
went, they have only been copyists of the other races; 
but the American negro has certainly been any thing but 
a successful imitator of his shrewd, sagacious master. 

And now I would ask, whether the civilised free 
negroes of the United States, possessed of the same color, 
the same bones, and the same hair as their African 
brethren who sold their ancestors, could, by emigrating 
to Africa, and preaching their science and religion, ad- 
vance the cause of humanity very materially in that 
unfortunate country ? I believe that the question must 
be negatived ; and this is the true light in which we must 
consider the natural abilities of the negroes. 

The colony of Liberia has been settled by the Ameri- 
cans with free negroes. The establishment is now many 
years old, is doing tolerably well, though it derives its 
chief support from America: but have the superior arts 
of the colonists made the least impression on the sur- 
rounding tribes? Have they won over a single disciple 
to their doctrines? or excited even a moderate share of 
curiosity among their brethren of the desert? No; the 
colonists themselves require constant admonition and in- 
struction, and the strong force of example, to retain the 
civilization they have acquired. It hangs loosely on 
them, like a borrowed garment, made for the use of 
another man. 

European civilization, though abstractedly considered 
as a unit, is strongly impregnated with the peculiar spirit 
of each nation, and has boTne different fruits in different 
countries. The arts of England, France, Germany, and 
Italy, are marked by a peculiar character, and embody 
the genius of these respective nations. The civilization 
of America, though but the production of two centuries, 
bears already the strongest national features, distinct 
from that of Europe in general. 

The Indians, wlien converted to Christianity, are yet 
a distinct and noble race, commanding even the respect 
of their enemies. But wherein consist the peculiarities 
of the civilised negroes, in which may be recognised 
some latent genius of their own? I must confess I re- 
member none, save the almost total absence of indepen- 
dent energy of character. I have conversed with hun- 



360 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

dreds of negroes, but I could not elicit from them a single 
original idea, capable of savoring their recitation of 
American phrases, or serving as an index to a mind 
capable of reflecting on itself. If any thing marked them 
as civilised beings, it was the luckless attempt to imitate 
the outward American, and a singular attention to fash- 
ionable manners and the toilet. It is a severe task to be 
employed in lowering any portion of the human family 
in the estimation of their fellow-creatures; but a strict 
adherence to truth, and impartial justice to the Ameri- 
cans, do not permit me to temporise, whatever offence 
my statement may give to individuals. 

There is one fact strongly corroborative of my asser- 
tions. Most persons who have advocated the equality of 
the races, were theorists, drawing their inferences from 
general axioms; while nearly all who have had an oppor- 
tunity of observing the negroes themselves, have arrived 
at a different conclusion. Why was there never a similar 
prejudice with regard to the American Indians ? Some 
of the first families in Virginia, noted for their eminent 
talents as statemen and legislators, are descended, in 
part, from the Indians. But, instead of considering this 
a disgrace, they are proud of their origin; and a peculiar 
loftiness of mind seems to be hereditary in their families, 
and expressed in their manly countenances. The mulatto, 
on the contrary, though a shade superior to the negro, is 
a grovelling being, still thoroughly marked Vvith his sub- 
jection to physical nature, the strongest characteristic of 
the black race. 

No other human being is by nature so entirely adapted 
to his climate; as if to prevent him from spreading over 
other parts of the world. The skin of the negroes, their 
color, hair, and feet, are made for the African sun ; and 
being naturally heedless of the future, they are surround- 
ed by trees and plants which blossom and bear fruit at 
the same time. The negro is the slave of nature ; the 
white man is her companion. Born in a more northern 
latitude, and consequently less exposed to the most 
powerful physical agent, the sun, his mind waxes superior 
to the scenes which surround him. His physical wants 
rouse his energy and quicken his ingenuity, and the 
approaching winter commands his cares of the future. 



ON SLAVERY. 361 

He is born to subdue and improve nature, and not to be 
dependent on her generosity. All that has ever improved 
the condition of man, every valuable principle of philoso- 
phy and religion, poetry, painting, and music, are the 
offsprings of the temperate zones. The universal history 
of all ages is but the history of that clime ; the moral 
lever of the world was ever moved by its children. 

The progress of the white race is the soul of universal 
history ; for it is the white race which produced all the 
changes, and acted as the animating principle on the rest 
of mankind. The other nations remained stationary, 
bound by the limits which nature had set to their prog- 
ress ; the white race alone was possessed of the courage 
to overleap them and to traverse the ocean in quest of 
new land. Wherever that race has since placed its foot, 
there it has subdued all others, notwithstanding the in- 
feriority of its numbers ; and its march of conquest is 
onward, and must finish with grasping the world. 

With these facts before us, is it not natural to suppose 
that the white race is f///n/?szc«Z/^ superior to every other; 
and, consequently a fortiori to the negroes T Would we 
not naturally come to this conclusion, even if there were 
no exterior distinction between them 1 The objection 
that the white race conquered by its superior arts, at a 
time when the others had not yet attained the same de- 
gree of civilization, avails little or nothing to the argu- 
ment. Why did the other races not possess a similar 
degree of civilization, since it is proved that their origin 
is at least as remote, if not more so, than that 'of the 
white race? Are the nations of the east and their learn- 
ing not older than those of Europe 1 Why did they not 
improve it as the people of Europe 1 What made the 
Europeans labor for centuries to decipher the writings of 
the ancients ? What spirit is it, which makes them yet 
take an interest in the history of other nations, and de- 
scend to their remotest antiquity, when those nations 
evince not the least disposition to learn the history of 
Europe 1 Wliy is the commerce of the world yet con- 
fined to European and American vessels ? Why has the 
principle of liberty not been born, or taken root in any 
other country but Europe and America? Why is Christi- 
anity yet chiefly confined to those continents, when it was 
31 



362 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

Asia which begot it ? Why is the white race not, hke 
the Chinese, satisfied with its acquired superiority but 
continually improving in every department of knowledge 1 
Why is the white race the only one bent on engrafting 
its principles and its customs on all others 1 Why does 
it succeed in this enterprise, and swallow up all other 
tribes ? Why is there no reaction on the part of the 
other races on the whites ; but, on the contrary, a gradual 
yielding to its influence 1 Why are the whites not 
changed in contact with other races 1 

But there is yet one more circumstance deserving the 
attention of philosophers. In no instance have the dif- 
ferent races shown a general disposition to amalgamate; 
but rather evinced a natural dislike to one another. 
When such a disposition existed, it was always on the 
part of the inferior with regard to the superior race, and 
never the reverse. The few individual exceptions to this 
rule must rather be considered as instances of moral de- 
pravity, than a prevalent taste of the race ; or as occa- 
sioned by peculiar circumstances, which prevented a free 
choice. Tills natural dislike was always greatest be- 
tween tlie white and the black race, just in proportion, it 
may be said, to the diversity of their color, and the great 
difference in their inclinations and habits. But it existed 
equally among other races, and may, therefore, be con- 
sidered as something instinctive, and not produced by a 
process of reasoning. 

Immediately after the introduction of negro slavery 
into the American colonies, the provincial assemblies 
prohibited all intercourse with the negroes under the 
severest penalties. The laws of Maryland of 1715 
provided that any white woman, whether a servant or 
free, becoming pregnant from the embrace of a negro, 
whether a slave or free, should be punished with a ser- 
vitude of seven years, and the children of such '•'' unnatural 
and inordinate connections " were doomed to servitude till 
they should attain the age of thirty-one. A white man 
begetting a child by a negress, was subjected to the same 
penalty as a white woman committing an offence with a 
negro; and similar laws were enacted by the legislative 
assembly of Virginia. Even when baptized, negroes were 



ON SLAVERY. 363 

not comprehended in the denomination of Christians.* 
No such laws were enacted against the American aborig- 
ines ; but though the example had been set in the mar- 
riage of Captain Smith with the princess Pokahontas, 
it was rarely imitated by European settlers, notwith- 
standing the political advantages which, at that time, 
might have resulted from such unions. 

The gypsies afford another striking instance of this 
natural aversion between the different varieties of the 
luiman family. They have remained a distinct race in 
Scotland, France, Spain, Germany, and Hungary ; and 
were they to emigrate to America, would still remain the 
same. They have still their peculiar customs and man- 
ners, opposed to the laws of civilised nations. And yet, 
how much more similar to the whites are they than the 
negroes ! Without this mutual dislike, it is highly proba- 
ble the distinctions between the races would have become 
obliterated, and even the different tribes been united into 
one. That the climate alone does not change the color, 
is evident from the fact that the off*springs of negroes re- 
main black, and those of the whites white, whether they 
inhabit the polar region, or the vicinity of the equator. 

Every race has feared the contact of the whites, in the 
same manner as a weaker animal dreads to meet one 
which is more powerful; while the white race has always 
sought it with the fullest conviction of its superiority. 
What makes China and Japan shut their cities to Eu- 
ropeans, but the dread that the latter might conquer 
them. They may aff(ect to despise these "barbarians;" 
but they have seen them establish the most powerful em- 
pires in the East, and, wherever they went, take the 
reins of government into their own hands. The popula- 
tion of China is estimated at about three hundred millions, 
and that of all Europe at scarcely two hundred. China 
is in possession of all the mechanic arts of Europe, and 
excels the latter in the manufacture of many valuable 
articles. The use of gunpowder is known to them ; and 
yet they entertain doubts and suspicions as to the inten- 
tions of Europeans ! They feel that whatever be their 
mechanical perfections, they are inferior to the white 

* Grahame's History of the United States; 



364 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 

race in all the nobler qualities of the mind in enterprise 
and courage. No apprehensions are entertained by 
Europeans as to those nations ever conquering part of 
their country, or the doctrines and practices of the East 
undermining the Christian religion, and the principles of 
philosophy of Locke and Newton. China and Japan 
have not grown powerful by their own strength, but by 
the weakness of the nations which surrounded them. In 
contact with the whites they are aware tlieir position 
would be untenable ; and it is to the race, and not to the 
arts of Europe, we must ascribe their puerile laws with 
regard to foreigners. 

But to return to the negroes; who to this moment are 
ignorant of the mechanic arts, and even slow in acquiring 
dexterity when instructed and guided by the whites ; who 
have never prospered or improved in their own country ; 
on whom the light of science or religion never dawned 
except through the intercession of other nations ; to 
whom the refinements of poetry and the arts are entirely 
unknown; whose worship is the most hideous and bar- 
barous on earth ; who war upon one another for the sole 
purpose of reducing each other to slaves ; who first sold 
one another, and enriched themselves with the blood of 
their brethren ; who, during more tlmn three thousand 
years of their known existence, have not even made the 
first step towards civilization, by improving their soil 
with agriculture, and are equally unskilful in the chase, 
and destitute of courage or ambition ; who possess noth- 
ing of the natural skill and agility of other races ; 
who never dreamt of an equality with the whites, before 
it was discovered by European philosophers ; who never 
knew the definition of liberty, but are slaves in their own 
country ; to that race, finally, who, in whatever relation 
we have known them, have always shown themselves in- 
ferior beings, and declare them equal to the whites, and in- 
ferior only in point of education ! ! There is not one point 
in which the equality has been established ; and should 
we be entitled to a general conclusion ? This is not 
elevating the negroes, but degrading the whites, by as- 
cribing to accident the development of those eminent 
qualities, which have rendered them masters of the world. 
Is the supposition of such an accident, which insured the 



ON SLAVERY. 365 

permanent success of one race over all others, compatible 
with a belief in Divine Providence ; and the moral con- 
tained in universal history? 

I do not deny that the negroes are capable of imfrovC' 
ment; that they may acquire the elements of many use- 
ful arts and sciences : but I do not believe that they are 
capable of working out their own salvation, or of rivalling 
the whites in any one branch of human knowledge or 
industry. 

I have never heard it argued or asserted that the Malay 
race were naturally equal to the whites; though I cer- 
tainly hold them superior to the negroes. Neither has it 
ever been maintained that all races have the same incli- 
nations and capacities ; and yet we should at once select 
the most inferior species of humanity, and declare them 
fit to live under the same laws, be governed by the same 
motives, elevated by the same hopes, and restrained by 
the same fears as the whites? Who would assert that the 
people of the East are fit to live under a republican gov- 
ernment, similar to that of the United States ? Who could 
doubt but that, if a majority of them were now possessed 
of the same liberties, their natural disposition would again 
lead them to monarchy ? Who knows that freedom 
would to them be a valuable acquisition ? And yet, sup- 
pose these nations, or any portion of them, placed in a 
republic like America; there might remain some hope of 
amalgamating the races — the only means by which the 
inferior one can be improved, though this improvement 
is equivalent to a gradual extinction of the race, by a 
continued succession of the whites. With regard to the 
negroes, this is entirely out of the question. There is 
something naturally repulsive in the physical conformation 
of the blacks: there are certain peculiarities of the race, 
which must ever prove revolting to the wlutes. The dis- 
parity of intellect and habit is too great to leave the least 
ray of hope that such an amalgamation can be effected 
by marriage. 

The white man does not live, like the negro, for the 
present moment. His thoughts are fixed on the future ; 
and among his fondest hopes is that of elevating his chil- 
dren to a prouder eminence than himself; of correcting 
the errors and imperfections of his own education, in the 
31* 



366 PHILOSOPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ON SLAVERY. 

more perfect one of his children. The Americans cher- 
ish this hope in a most eminent degree. Three fourths 
of all the acts of legislation are intended for the benefit 
of the rising generation ; and it is one of their chief 
characteristics, as I have had occasion to remark before, 
that their whole present lives are devoted to the welfare 
of their children. Neither does this feature exclusively 
belong to the Americans. It is a quality belonging to the 
race ; an aspiring to immortality in this world, by per- 
petuating their virtues in their offsprings ; and the origin 
of the noblest deeds recorded in the history of man. But, 
of all nations in the world, the Americans live the most in 
the future ; and, should they be capable of forming mar- 
riages with the blacks, knowing full well, that, according 
to the laws of nature, their offsprings must be inferior to 
themselves, and hear the marks of that inferiority in their 
countenanees ? Could we suppose such a marriage based 
on that mutual respect and affection, which are necessary 
to make the union sacred and eternal ? The idea is pre- 
posterous, and incompatible with that mutual disincli- 
nation — not to use a stronger term — which exists between 
the races. This natural dislike is so great, that a man 
would hardly love his offspring, if it were different from, 
and inferior to, himself; and the child itself would not 
cherish the same affection for his fiither. 

In making a choice for life, do we not consult dispo- 
sition, intellect and age, in order to secure our happiness ? 
And w by 1 In order that the union may be perpetual by 
mutual inclination ; and this is considered necessary for 
the preservation of morality and virtue. No such happy 
adaptation of temper, disposition, and habit, could be 
thought of, in a marriage with another race ; no hopes, 
therefore, could be entertained of promoting by it the 
cause of humanity. Any attempt to raise the condition 
of the negroes in this manner, would not only not benefit 
the individuals who might be selected for the experiment, 
but be the absolute signal for the perpetration of the most 
atrocious crimes against society. It would undermine 
every principle of morality, and destroy the very foundation 
of society, without advancing the cause of the negroes. 
I consider the doctrine of amalgamation as abominable 
and brutal as the first introduction of slavery ; and the 



COLONY OF LIBERIA. 



367 



injury which would be sustained from it, by the white 
race, infinitely greater than that which was inflicted upon 
the Africans by exporting them from their country as 
slaves. 

The Americans are, indeed, in a very singular pre- 
dicament. Their position, opposed to the rest of the 
civilised world, is most perplexing and unjust. No nation 
proposes to take charge of the civilisation of the Africans ; 
iDut the Americans are called upon, to emancipate and 
educate their slaves, and to raise them to an equality with 
themselves. Their institutions are purely democratic, 
and the execution of the laws entrusted to the voluntary 
submission of the people who enacted them ; yet several 
millions of another race are to be let loose amongst them, 
and entrusted with that voluntary submission. Their insti- 
tutions, it is believed, would not be adapted to any other 
state of society, yet they are to invite two and a half mil- 
lions of negroes to participate in its advantages. And all 
this they are charged to do for the sake of humanity, 
without inquiring whether that race is capable of enjoy- 
ing those privileges, or even made happier by their ac- 
quisition. And what have the Americans done that jus- 
tifies such a demand 1 They have continued the insti- 
tution of slavery, introduced by another government, of 
which their forefathers availed themselves before its moral 
injustice was established ; and which their sons have since 
been laboring to shake off, without finding the adequate 
means. In the northern states, where it could be aban- 
doned, it was done ; but the south is obliged to pause, lest, 
by an awful retribution of justice, they should themselves 
become the victims of their slaves. 

This even is the curse of evil deeds, 

That, ever propagating, they engender evil.* 

The only safe means which has been proposed for the 
emancipation of the negro slaves, was their transportation 
from America to Africa. Yet, even there they require the 
affectionate protection of the whites, to defend themselves 

* " Das eben ist der Fluch der bosen That 

Dass sie fortzeugend immer Boses muss gebaren." 

Schiller's Bride of Messina. 



368 CONSEQUENCES OF EMANCIPATION. 

against the barbarous attacks of their brethren. But, sup- 
pose the Americans willing, as they are, to support and 
protect such a colony, what number of negroes could be 
transported thither to affect at all- the colored population 
of the United States? During twelve years the number 
of negroes transported to Liberia was two thousand five 
hundred ; while those who were born in that time amount- 
ed to seven hundred thousand! The whole treasury of 
the United States would not suffice to purchase and con- 
vey to Africa a sufficient number of negroes to prevent 
the increase of the blacks in America. Neither are the 
negroes themselves willing to leave their masters — whom 
they consider as their natural protectors — and emigrate 
to a distant shore. They go thither as strangers, and 
with no other civilization than that which they have ac- 
quired in bondage. They have not the inventive genius 
of the whites to conquer unforeseen obstacles ; and would, 
in all probability, perish there, but for the assistance of 
their former masters. 

Thus, in whatever light we may consider slavery in 
America, we must see in it an evil which cannot be 
remedied without endangering the moral, political, and 
social relations of the United States. At the present mo- 
ment the southern slaves are provided for; their sphere 
of action is circumscribed, and they are satisfied with 
their situation. To make them free is to throw them on 
their own resources, and force them to become compet- 
itors with their masters. All the prejudices between the 
two races, which are now asleep, in their state of mutual 
dependency, would awaken at the thought that they are 
rivals, and commence their work of destruction. The 
negroes, as I have said before, are more numerous, and 
increase much faster in some of the southern states, than 
the whites. Could we then, for one moment, believe that 
they would abide the issue of a moral competition with 
their former lords, whom they know to be superior to 
themselves ? We might as well suppose they would be 
content to perish, while holding the means of preservation. 
What hope of success could they have, except that which 
is based on their numbers ? The moment the contest 
begins, their physical force must aid them ; for it is their 
only weapon, and the contest must become one between 
brutality and intelligence. 



FREE NEGROES OF THE NORTH. 369 

The northern states, in emancipating their negroes, shut 
but the doors on unprofitable servants, without fearing 
their entering by force. They were too strong within, 
and their enemies too feeble without, to give the negroes 
a chance of success. Their former masters may now see 
them die in the streets, and behold them writhing with 
despair, and yet not fear their revenge. It is not so with 
the southern planter : he cannot abandon his negroes and 
expose them to want, without dreading the awful conse- 
quences. He cannot with impunity make a friendly race 
his enemies, and mock them with the title of freemen. 
His negroes are protected by him ; they participate to a 
certain extent in his prosperity, and share even his aristo- 
cratic pretensions* They consider themselves members 
of his family, and cherish a filial affection for hira, which 
is responded to by feelings of kindness in their master. 
A southern gentleman, after an absence from home, will, 
on his ret«irn to his plantation, be received with joyful 
acclamations by his negroes, who will crowd round him, 
and shake him cordially by the hand. What negro in 
the northern states would dare take "such liberties with 
a white man 1 " The, prejudices against the negroes are 
stronger in the free states than at the south, and have 
reached their climax in the states which never held 
slaves. These may give vent to their contempt for a 
race, with whose fate they never have meddled: they 
have a clear conscience ; but the upright magistrate is not 
always the most lenient judge. 

In the southern states the negro is comparatively hap- 
py, for his master sympathises with him, and administers 
to his physical wants. The southern planter does not 
despise the negro, who is part of his own household, but 
comforts him in sickness and old age. At the north, the 
negro is an object of scorn, and considered a natural 
enemy to the laboring classes, because he reduces the 
price of their labor. In some of the western states, which 

* Nothing is more frequent than to see negroes, belonging to different 
masters, abstain from all intercourse with each other, in consequence 
of the different ranks of the families of which they consider themselves 
a part. The slave of a senator will be proud of the distinction of his 
master, but bow to that of the president, who considers himself 
above all. 



370 CONDITION OF THE NEGROES 

were entirely settled by the whites, he is not even allow- 
ed to hold property, and his presence is considered a 
nuisance. As long as the nej^ro is protected by his 
master, he receives, as it were, an equivalent for his de- 
graded condition ; when he is made free, his degradation 
becomes more poignant and glaring, and he is left with- 
out the means of support. He becomes more dependent 
on the white race than he ever was as a slave; for he 
becomes dependent on their good zvill, when, as a slave, 
he had a ri^ht to their protection. 

With such prospects before them, is it charity to eman- 
cipate the negroes ? Is it not forcing them to take up 
arms and destroy their unkind benefactors? The negroes 
cannot love America, in which they call nothing their 
own; but they maybe attached to their masters, who 
enable them to live without property. They will never 
be able to compete successfully with the white race, be- 
cause their judges despise them, and judge in their own 
cause ; but they may hold an inferior rank of society, iii 
which their interests are identified with those of the 
whites, and consequently sure of being protected. They 
cannot hope to change the course of legislation, as long 
as there is an American capable of v/ielding a weapon ; 
but they may make their masters relent, by a quiet sub- 
mission to their will : they cannot hope to rise to honor 
and distinction, but they may be happier in an humbler 
situation of life, and leave ambition to the whites. In 
one word, they must prepare to be slaves of kind masters, 
or face these masters as enemies, and expire in the un- 
equal contest. 

One more objection I must answer, before I dismiss 
this subject. The question has often been proposed, 
whether the progress of civilization will not eventually 
overcome those unfortunate prejudices which exist with 
regard to the negroes, and thus open the way to a recon- 
ciliation between the two races. The answer to this 
question, I am sorry to say, will not cheer the heart of 
the philanthropist. For, according to all indications, 
they will increase in -propiriion as the negroes are made 
free, and terminate in feelings so perfectly hostile, as to 
be totally opposed to the spirit of peace and forbearance. 
The blacks return hatred for contempt, which, while im^ 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 371 

potent, excites still greater contempt in the whites. The 
Americans look upon the freedom of the negroes as a 
garment not fit for their use, but which has been thrown 
over them for want of another, to cover their disgusting 
nudity. Whenever they are seen dressed in this new 
attire, their former nakedness is remembered, and the 
irony excites ridicule and scorn. The contrast would 
have ceased to be ludicrous, had they passed through 
different stages of freedom. But the ascent from a negro 
slave, to an independent American republican, was too 
rapid and dangerous to make his position secure. America 
is the ivorst place where emancipation could have been tried ; 
and it must fail in every other democratic republic. 

Had the negroes ever evinced a love of freedom, fur- 
ther than is connected with physical comfort; had they 
ever made an effort to become free for the love of liberty, 
and not for personal advantages or revenge ; had they, in 
their struggle for liberty, ever waged war against superior 
numbers; had they ever been known as a nation whose 
rise and fall might have excited our sympathies,* a dif- 
ferent sentiment would pervade the Americans, with re- 
gard to the unhappy negroes. But whatever the negroes 
are, they are by the charity of the Americans ; whatever 
they possess, they hold by that tenure ; whatever right 
they enjoy, is by the benevolence of their masters. But 
the requisitions of charity give no permanent title to 
respect. 

The Americans have fought for, and acquired their lib- 
erty ; they have given it gratis to their negroes. Neither 
has this gift been improved by those who received it. 
The law has declared tiiem free, but, their sentiments are 
still those of slaves. Their pretensions to equality with 
the whites, would be esteemed as ingratitude ; for where 
one party is tlie sole benefactor, and the other that which 
is benefited, no moral equality could exist, though it should 
be entered on the statutes. 

* The negroes, and their kindred in Austral Asia, do not seem to 
have had a national fate or existence. Not the least trace of political 
life can be discovered, even from traditions. All other people have 
been miited by a community of feeling and sentiment, which gave them 
a distinct character; but the negroes seem to have vegetated: they 
have neither prospered nor declined, and possess no other characteris- 
tics, except those which belong to the variety. 



372 NEGRO SERVANTS. 

Neither do the negroes take the least interest in the 
fate of their brethren, but rather envy tlie slaves of the 
south. For more than two generations, the negroes in 
the northern states are free ; they have schools and 
churches ; but no appeal has ever been made by them in 
favor of liberty. Some of the negroes and mulattoes of 
St. Domingo have been educated in Fiance; but few 
lines have as yet been published by thern in favor of 
liberal institutions. The combat for and against slavery 
is entirely fought by the whites; while the negroes can 
hardly comprehend that their condition should depend 
upon a principle. It is this inertness, this absence of 
moral courage, which the Americans despise. With 
great truth does De Tocquevillc remark, that no other 
account has ever been opened between the white and the 
black races, except that where the white race was supe- 
rior, they kept the black in subjection ; but where the 
blacks prevailed, they rose and murdered the whites. 
The negroes have never endeavored to rival their former 
masters in any moral qualification, but whenever they 
felt themselves sufficiently strong, attempted to rid them- 
selves of their formidable superiors. 

But the contemi)t of the Americans for the Africans is 
yet increased by other causes. If the civilization of 
America were stationary, or progressing slowly, the free 
negroes migb.t either keep their places, or, perhaps, 
gradually approximate nearer to the standard of the 
whites. But this is not the case. The Americans are 
progressing more rapidly than any other nation in the 
world ; and the free negroes, though they may be abso- 
lutely advancing, remaiti stdl, every year, further behind. 
Competing with the whites only in the most menial labor, 
they are reducing the price of that labor below the cus- 
tomary wages of native Americans ; and thereby force 
the latter either to emigrate to the west, or to seek some 
other employment. By this means, they succeed in 
monopolizing, in a measure, the situation of servants; 
but, at the same time, render it more degraded in the 
eyes of Americans. They continue in a state of servi- 
tude, which, as it is voluntary, excites additional con- 
tempt. The Americans are sometimes compelled, from 
necessity, to hire themselves out as " helps ; " but they 



Kegro employments. 373 

neither suffer the same treatment, nor are they willing to 
serve at so low a rate of compensation. 

Yet the greatest difference between an American and 
a negro servant is this. The American looks upon ser- 
vice as a means of introducing himself to something bet- 
ter ; and remains a servant only till he has acquired the 
means of emigrating to the west, or commencing a small 
trade. He prefers any other situation in life, with the 
severest labor, to waiting on another man. The negro, 
on the contrary, aspires to nothing higher. He prefers 
domestic work to any other, and, in the northern states, 
his physical organization disables him from laboring in 
the field. He is therefore a stationary servant, one who, 
in the opinions of Americans, was born to be a servant, 
lives as a servant, and dies in servitude. In proportion 
as negro servants become general, in that same propor- 
tion increases the contempt in which the situation is 
held. The negroes work for less, or rather are paid at 
a less rate, than the whites, and will therefore always 
remain poor, in a country where every one prospers. 
They are, by poverty, deprived of the means of instruc- 
tion,* remain houseless strangers in the land which gives 
them birth, and by an unavoidable succession of events, 
sink every year lower in the estimation of their fellow- 
creatures and their own. At last they must resign the 
thought of competition in every other department of in- 
dustry, and become once more what they were — heredi- 
tary bondsmen. 

At present, a number of petty offices and small traffics 
are resigned to the industry of the negroes, because 
the general prosperity is such, that the Americans find 
sufficient room for enterprise in other departments. But 
in proportion as the country becomes more and more 
settled, and as competition among the whites increases, 
these petty channels of industry will be resorted to by the 
whites themselves, and the negroes driven to a still lower 
employment. t 

At present, they may be barbers and hair-dressers, 

* There are free negro-schools in some of the cities ; but there is a 
degree of poverty, which obliges the parents to avail themselves of the 
work of their children, instead of sending them to school. 

t This gradual diminution of their means of support, together with 
the exposure to a more severe climate, is undoubtedly the reason why 
32 



374 MANNERS OF THE PLANTERS. 

clean boots, and sell old clothes ; but the time may come 
when they will not be able to make a living by such 
means ; and then they will be obliged to resort to some- 
thing still more humble. In this manner, the whites will 
chase and harass them from post to post, until misery 
will complete their destruction. Their fate has no paral- 
lel in history. Slavery has introduced them to life, liberty 
must accomplish their ruin. 

I turn with pleasure from so barren a soil, incapable 
of maturing the seeds of philanthropy, to prospects 
more brightening and cheerful. I turn to the lives of the 
planters. They are surrounded, it is true, by slaves, and 
their position becomes daily more precarious. But I am 
willing to trust them to their genius, and to the sympathy 
of their northern brethren. My object here is to speak 
of their manners, their habits, and the large proportion 
of intellect and genius which is found in the southern 
states. 

The manners of the southerners in general, but espe- 
cially those of the Virginians and South Carolinians, are 
more liighly polished than those of the industrious popula- 
tion of the north, and they cultivate society as indispen- 
sable to civilized life. They know and appreciate refine- 
ment and elegance ; but they possess less of the enter- 
prising spirit of the New Englanders. Having more 
leisure, they devote more time to study and polite read- 
ing, which render their intercourse more agreeable and 
attractive ; and, being freed from pecuniary cares and the 
influence of trade and traffic, acquire that independence 
of mind which is necessary for science and literature. 
Their provisions for the education of youth are not so 
numerous, but they are on the most liberal scale ; educa- 
tion and learning are not so general as in the northern 
states, but where they exist they are carried to a higher 
degree. Business talents are comparatively rare ; but 
there is no deficiency of genius. 

The north act by their masses, the south by the brilliant 
talents of individuals. Intelligence at the north is as 
much divided as property. There are no overgrown for- 
tunes, neither is there poverty or want. In the southern 
states the division is more unequal. There are those 

the free negro population decreases so rapidly in the northern states; 
while the slaves to the south are increasiusr faster than the whites. 



OPERATIONS OF SLAVERY ON THE PLANTERS. 375 

who are " poor and lean," but the wealth of the rich is 
capable of concealing their poverty. The progress of 
intellect in the southern states resembles more that of 
Europe. The masses are yet in darkness, though there 
are beacon flames on each coast. In the northern states 
of America obscurity has entirely vanished. Their lights 
are perhaps less bright, but so contiguous as to unite in a 
conflagration. 

But, with all the advantages of the north, the south 
will always command a most important influence on the 
deliberations of Congress. The eminent talents of her 
statesmen and legislators are yet unequalled in America ; 
though there are individuals at the north who may lay 
just claims to a share of their fame. All the presidents 
of the United States but two have been born and bred in 
the south, and, although they held slaves, have advanced 
the cause of freedom. The inhabitants of the south form 
an aristocracy with regard to the negroes ; but the princi- 
pal distinction being that of color, they are on an equality 
with each other, and are amongst the stoutest defenders 
of republicanism. Democracy is a child of the south ; 
and its early defenders were southerners. The principle 
of slavery operates upon them yet as it did during the 
revolutionary war. It instils into them even an additional 
love of liberty ; and makes them cherish doubly those 
rights and privileges, without which they would sink to a 
level with their slaves.* 

* Botta, in his first book of " The Revolutionary War of America," 
describes the character of the slave-owners in the most glowing colors. 
" In queste ancora " says he, " la schiavitu dei Neri, la quale|vi era in 
uso quantunque sembri, a prima vista strana cosa a dirsi alletava gli 
uomini bianchi all' amore della liberta, Avendo questi continuamente 
sotto gli occhi I'esempio vivo della miserabile condizione dell' uomo 
ridottoin ischiavitu, dovevano sapere meglio, e piu apprezzare la liberta 
la quale e'giovano ; questa libertk riputavano non che un diritto, essere 
unafranehigia ed un privilegio ; esiccome quando si trattd dell' inter- 
esse proprio e delle passioni loro, gli uomini giudicano alia grossa e 
cogli occhi della mente abbacinati impazientemente sopportavano i 
coloni la superiority del governo inglese, e le pretensione sue, siccome 
quelle che tendessero a condurgli in uno stato prossimo, o simile a 
quello, al quale gli schiavi loro erano ridotti, detestando eglino in se 
stessi cio che escercitavano sugli altri." 



CHAPTER XII. 



NATIONAL DEFENCE OF THE UNITED STATES. THE ARMY. 

THE NAVY. THE MILITIA. 



It is an established maxim of the American govern- 
ment, merely to possess the elements of national defence, 
in order to be saved the expense of maintaining a large 
standing army ; and to keep from the military a power, 
which it is known they have at all times abused. The 
navy of the United States is established nearly on the 
same plan ; and contains but the nucleus of that maritime 
power, which, when called for, the Americans could di- 
rect against an enemy. 

In a country like America, which commands all the 
materials for ship-building, and, at any time, a sufficient 
number of sailors, furnished by the merchants' service, 
the maintaining of a greater number of ships of war than 
is absolutely necessary to protect navigation and com- 
merce, would prove a severe tax on the people. In pro- 
portion as the commerce of the United States increases, 
the means of naval attack and defence increase implicitly 
with it ; though the navy may not exhibit this augmenta- 
tion of force in the number of its ships. 

The bulwark of national defence, however, is the 
militia; though their discipline and their manoeuvres 
have been the subject of much sarcasm, both in England 
and America. No one can expect from free citizens 
the same machine-like subordination, which may be ex- 
acted from hired soldiers, whose trade is to " kill and to 
be killed to make a living ; " * but the citizen soldier has 

♦ Mon miticr est titer et etre tu6 pour gagner ma vie J* Voltaire. 



THE MILITIA. 



877 



an hundred moral advantages over the martial automaton, 
of which the latter is never possessed. 

The militia may improve in discipline, and join military 
skill to superior intelligence ; but the highest mark of 
perfection in a mercenary is a blind obedience to his 
superiors, without a vestige of thought or reflection. It 
is this mechanical excellence of soldiers, which renders 
their presence dangerous in a republic, and against the 
evil influence of which a powerful militia is the best and 
only safeguard. The esjprit du corps is always a danger- 
ous enemy to the esprit du peuple, unless the latter be 
embodied in some armed force. The militia, therefore, 
are not only a means of defence against an external 
enemy, but also a preserver of peace within. They save 
the country the expense of a large standing army, by 
performing, themselves, a portion of those duties which 
would otherwise devolve on the soldiery. Regular stand- 
ing armies were introduced by the systematic despotism of 
Lewis XIV.; the militia system is the daughter of liberty. 
The army and militia are bane and antidote of the free- 
dom of a people. Military skill and discipline avail 
against one another, as a superior chess-player will beat 
an inferior antagonist by a better disposition of his men ; 
but the militia system of the present day has changed the 
hoard; for, instead of empty squares, the players find 
nothing but occupied territory. 

In speaking of the American militia, as a means of 
national defence, I am aware I ought to confine myself, 
chiefly, to their capacity of resisting an armed, external 
force. But in order to judge of this capacity, it is neces- 
sary not only to consider the materials of which they are 
composed, and their numbers; but also the circumstances 
which have brought them into existence, and the spirit 
which animates them at the present moment. The or- 
ganization of society, and the terrain on which they are 
to give proof of their prowess, are important items in a 
computation of this kind ; without which it is impossible 
to obtain a result in the least approximating to truth. 
But before entering on this subject I will give a brief 
statement of the military and naval force of the United 
States, from the " Army " and ''' Navy\Lists''^ of March, 
1835. These, propably, have not been materially altered 
32* 



378 THE ARMY. 

since ; especially that of the navy.* If there be any 
thing remarkable in them, it is their exceeding shortness, 
and the consequently diminutive expenses of these estab- 
lishments in a country comprising so large a territory? 
and enjoying so extensive a commerce^^ 

Army List, March, 1835. 

The head-quarters of the general-in-chief are in the 
district of Columbia. The head-quarters of the Western 
Department, are at Memphis Tennessee. The head-quar- 
ters of the Eastern Department are in the city of New 
York. 

The Western Department comprises all west of a line 
drawn from the southernmost point of East Florida, to 
the north-west extremity of Lake Superior, taking in the 
whole of Tennessee and Kentucky ; the Eastern Depart- 
ment all east of that line, including Fort Winnebago. 

The officers of the army consist of 

1 major-general, commanding the army, (at present 
Mr. Alex. Macomb.) 

1 brigadier-general, major-general by brevet, com- 
manding the Western Department. 

1 brigadier-general, major-general by brevet, com- 
manding the Eastern Department. 

1 adjutant-general. 2 inspectors-general. 1 quarter- 
master-general. 4 quartermasters. 1 commissary-gen- 
eral of subsistence. 2 commissaries. 1 surgeon-general. 
12 surgeons. 55 assistant-surgeons. 1 pay master- gen- 
eral. 14 paymasters. 1 commissary-general of purchase. 
2 military store-keepers. 18 colonels. 13 lieutenant- 
colonels. 27 majors. 134 .Captains. 159 first-lieuten- 
ants. 218 second-lieutenants. 5 third-lieutenants. 11 
sergeant-majors. 11 quartermaster-sergeants. 428 ser- 
geants. 454 corporals. 14 principal musicians. 212 
musicians. 108 artificers. 250 enlisted for ordnance. 
6059 privates. 

Total. Commissioned oflicers, 674. Non-commissioned 
officers and privates, 7547. Grand Total, 8221. 

* The Indian war compelled the President to accept the services of 
volunteers, aud to increase the cavalry of the United States. 



Military academy of west point. 379 

It will be observed that the number of officers is unusu- 
ally large in proportion to the small number of privates. 
But the latter can always be obtained when wanted, 
whereas the officers require superior knowledge and ex- 
perience. Hence it is the policy of the government of 
the United States merely to preserve the cadres of the 
different regiments, which may be filled up and engrossed 
at any time, in case of a war. 

For the education of officers a national military acade- 
my was established at West Point, in the state of New 
York, on the plan of similar institutions in France. The 
same branches are taught, and the same system of dis- 
cipline is introduced ; but particular attention is paid to 
mathematics and the modern languages. Mr. Hamilton 
has been very severe in his criticism on the attitude of 
the young men, styled " cadets," who are there educated 
at the expense of the nation ; but I believe he has not 
examined any of the classes in order to judge of their 
scientific acquirements. To supply this apparent defi- 
ciency I would state that, independent of military tactics, 
the pupils of that academy acquire a very comprehensive 
knowledge of the mathematical and physical sciences,* 
which enables them to serve their country in peace as 
well as in war. The pupils have to pass a rigorous ex- 
amination on entering the academy; and are annually 
examined while there, by a committee appointed by the 
president and senate of the United States. The cadets 
are considered as enlisted in the United States service, 
and receive about 45 dollars or <£9 sterling a month. 
They are, moreover, subject to all the rules and regu- 
lations of regular soldiers. 

The distinction between officers and citizens being less 
rigorously drawn in America than in Europe, the officers 
of the United States engineer corps are amongst the most 
active in promoting the internal improvements of the 
country. They are planning and constructing the prin- 

* La Croix's Algebra and Legendre's Geometry and Trigonometry 
are the text books used in the elementary branches of mathematics ; 
La Croix's Treatise on the differential and integral Calculus is studied 
in French; and in descriptive geometry, Professor Davis's treatise 
has lately been substituted for that of Monge, formerly used by the 
cadets. 



380 WAR DEPARTMENT. 

cipal railroads ; and are every where employed where 
mathematical talents are required in the execution of pub- 
lic works. They are thus rendering themselves useful to 
the people, who have paid for their education ; and be- 
come not a distinct branch of public functionaries, but, 
in the true sense of the word, the servants of the people,* 

Tiie war department is divided into twelve branches ; 
viz., the secretary's office ; the offices of bounty-lands 
and of Indian affairs; the pension office, the adjutant- 
general's office, the paymaster-general's office, the ordi- 
nance department, the topographical bureau, the subsist- 
ence department, the surgeon-general's office, the quar- 
termaster-general's office, and the engineer department. 

The secretary's office consists of the secretary himself, 
an acting chief clerk, five clerks, one messenger, and one 
assistant messenger. The bounty-lands office, of a prin- 
cipal and clerk ; the office of Indian affairs, of a com- 
missioner, a chief clerk, and nineteen other clerks ; the 
adjutant's office, of the adjutant-general, two officers and 
three clerks ; the paymaster-general's office, of the pay- 
master-general, one paymaster, one chief clerk, two 
clerks, and one messenger ; the ordnance department, of 
one colonel, one captain and three clerks ; the topo- 
graphical bureau, of a lieutenant-colonel, (topographical 
engineer,) one first lieutenant (assistant engineer,) and 
one clerk; the subsistence department, of a brigadier- 
general, one major (commissary of subsistence,) and three 
clerks ; the surgeon-general's office, of the surgeon-gen- 
eral, one surgeon and one clerk ; the quartermaster-gen- 
eral's office, of the quartermaster-general, one major, 
(the quartermaster,) one captain, two clerks and an as- 
sistant clerk ; finally, the engineer department, of the 

* Major M'Neill, of the United States engineers, constructed the 
Boston and Lowell, Boston and Providence, Boston and Worcester, 
and is now constructing the Stonington and a number of other rail- 
roads. That between Boston and Lowell is considered the best and 
most substantial in the United States, and, perhaps, in the world. It is 
built of the iron-edge rail, supported by cast-iron chairs, on stone 
blocks, and iron sleepers, which rest again on stone foundations. The 
cost of this railroad is estimated at one million two hundred thousand 
dollars, or two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling, distance 
only twenty-five and a half miles. (Compare Chapter X. on internal 
improvement.) 



f 

MILITARY SERVICE. 381 

chief engineer, an assistant engineer, and three clerks. 
The whole expenses of the military service, inchiding for- 
tifications, ordnance, Indian affairs, pensions and arming 
the militia may be computed at thirteen millions of dol- 
lars or two millions six hundred thousand pounds sterling 
which is little more than half of the whole expenditure of 
the general government. If this sum be compared to the 
expenditures of European states, and if, moreover, the 
vastness of territory and frontier to be protected, be taken 
into consideration, it will appear that the expenses of the 
American army are, in proportion, not even the one hun- 
dredth part of those of the smaller states of Germany ; 
without considering the enormous indirect taxation intro- 
duced by the system of conscription. 

The military service of the United States is very ar- 
duous, though the troops are better paid and provisioned 
than any other soldiers in the world. But then they are 
marched off to the forts of the western and southern 
states, and, during the whole period of service, not once 
quartered upon a town or village. This circumstance, 
together with the nature of the frontier posts, gives, in 
time of peace, rise to frequent desertions ; but on active 
duty I should judge the troops of the United States equal 
to the best soldiers in Europe, and their officers and com- 
manders well capable of sustaining the high reputation 
which the arms of the young republic have already ac- 
quired. Their bravery is like the English. It is best 
tested in an obstinate action, and by the facility with 
which they recover their ranks, when by any chance they 
are broken. Their outward appearance is, perhaps, not 
quite so neat as that of European troops, as, in fact, they 
are never used for parade ; but this does not prevent their 
usefulness in the field, and is certainly no impediment to 
their courage. The United States maintain no more 
troops than are required to garrison the forts, and to pro- 
tect the frontier against the ravages of the Indians. Their 
soldiers, therefore, are constantly employed, and have 
neither the time nor the inclination to set off their per- 
sonal attractions. 

The Navy Listof Fehruary, 1835, contained thirty-sev- 
en captains, forty masters commandant, 357 lieutenants, 
forty-four surgeons, fifteen passed assistant surgeons, 



382 



NAVY LIST. 



forty-one assistant surgeons, forty-three pursers, nine 
chaplains, 178 passed midshipmen, 274 midshipmen, 
twenty-seven sailing-masters, four teachers of naval sci- 
ences, twenty boatswains, twenty-two gunners, twenty-one 
carpenters, and nineteen sail-makers. The expenses of 
the navy may be computed at three millions of dollars, or 
six hundred thousand pounds sterling, including improve- 
ments. 

The navy-department consists of the secretary, one 
chief clerk, seven clerks, a clerk of the navy-pension and 
hospital fund, and one messenger. Navy-commissioners 
are three, with a secretary, a chief clerk, five clerks, one 
draftsman, and a messenger. There is one chief naval 
constructer, and one naval storekeeper. 

The following is a List of the Vessels of War, (Feb- 
ruary, 1835,) with the Names and Rates of the Ships, and 
their Stations. 



SHIPS OF WAR. 



Name of vessel. 


Guns. 


Where built. 


When.j Where employed. 






SHIPS OF THE 


LINE. 


Independence 


74 


Boston 


1814 


In ordinary at Boston. 


Franklin 


74 


Philadelphia 


1815 


Ditto New York. 


Washington 


74 


Portsmouth (N. H.) 


1816 


Ditto New York. 


Columbus 


74 


Washington 


1819 


Ditto Boston. 


Ohio 


74 


New York' 


1820 


Ditto New York. 


North Carolina 


74 


Philadelphia 


1820 


Ditto Gosport. 
In commission in Mediterranean. 


Delaware 


74 


Gosport, (Virginia) 


1820 


Alabama 


74 


- — - 


- 


On the stocks at Portsmouth. 


Vermont 


74 


- • _ 


. 


Ditto Boston. 


Virginia 


74 


- 


. 


Ditto Boston. 


Pennsylvania 


74 


_ . _ 


. 


Ditto Philadelphia. 


New York 


74 


- 


- 


Ditto Norfolk. 






FRIGATES OF TH 


E FIRST CLASS. | 


United States 


44 


Philadelphia 


1797 


In commission, refitting. 


Constitution 


44 


Boston 


1797 


Inordinary at Boston. 


Guerriere 


44 


Philadelphia 


1814 


Ditto New York. 


Java 


44 


Baltimore 


1814 


Ditto Norfolk. 


Potomac 


44 


Washington 


1821 


In commission, Mediterranean. 


Brandywine 


44 


Washington 


1825 


Ditto Pacific Ocean. 


Hudson 


44 


Purchased 


1826 


In ordinary at New York. 


Santee 


44 


_ _ - 


_ 


On the stocks at Portsmouth. 


Cumberland 


44 


_ _ - 


_ 


Ditto Boston. 


Sabine 


44 


_ . - 


_ 


Ditto New York. 


Savannah 


44 


- 


- 


Ditto New York. 


Rariton 


44 


_ 


. 


Ditto Philadelphia. 


Columbia 


44 


- . - 


- 


Ditto Washington. 


St. Lawrence 


44 


- 




Ditto Norfolk. 






FRIGATES OF TH 


E SECOND CLASS. | 


Constellation 


36 


Baltimore 


1797 


In ordinary at Norfolk. 


Congress 


36 


Portsmouth 


1799 


Ditto Norfolk. 


Macedonian 


36 


Captured 


1812 


On the stocks, re-building. 






SLOOPS 


F WAR. 1 


John Adams 


24 


Charleston, (S.C.) 


1799 


In commission, Mediterranean. 


Cyanne 


24 


Captured 


1815 


In ordinary at Philadelphia. 


Erie 


18 


Baltimore 


1813 


On tlie coast of Brazil. 


Ontario 


18 


Baltimore 


1813 


Ditto ditto 


Peacock 


18 


New York 


1813 


Inordinary at Now York. 


Boston 


18 


Boston 


1825 


Ditto Boston. 


Lexington 


18 


New York 


1825 


Ditto Portsmouth. 


Vincennes 


18 


New York 


1826 


In the Pacific. 


Warren 


18 


Boston 


1826 


In ordinary at Philadelphia. 


Natchez 


18 


Norfolk 


1827 


In commission, coast of Brazil. 


Falmouth 


18 


Boston 


1827 


Ditto West Indies. 


Fairfield 


18 


New York 


1828 


Ditto Pacific. 


Vandalia 


18 


Philadelphia 


1828 


In the West Indies. 


St. Louis 


18 


Washington 


1828 


Ditto ditto 


Concord 


18 


Portsmouth 


1828 


In ordinary at Portsmouth. 






SCHOONI 


RS, &c. 1 


Dolphin 


12 


Philadelphia 


1821 


In the Pacific. 


Grampus 


12 


Washington 


1821 


In the West Indies. 


Shark 


12 


Washington 


1821 


In the Mediterranean. 


Enterprize 


12 


New York 


1831 


On the coast of Brazil. 


Boxer 


12 ■ 


Boston 


1831 


In the Pacific Ocean. 


Experiment 


12 


Washington 


1831 


In commission. West Indies. 


Fox 


3 


Purchased 


1823 


Receiving ship at Baltimore. 


Sea-Gull 




Purchased 


1823 


Ditto at Pennsylvania. 


(Galliot.) 











Total : — 12 ships of the line ; 14 large frigates of the first class ; 3 frigates of the sec- 
ond class ; 15 sloops of war ; 8 schooners and smaller vessels ; o f which number there 
were 5 ships of the line, and 7 large frigates on the stocks. 



384 AMERICAN NAVY. 

Of all the institutions of the United States, the navy is 
the most national and popular. It cannot, from its na^ 
ture, interfere with, but only protect, the political progress 
of the country ; and it has more than any other raised the 
standard of national honor. With judicious modesty 
have its officers abstained from all political contest, to 
prevent party spirit from entering their ranks. They 
have only known their duty towards the nation ; and have 
fulfilled it in a manner which has reflected glory on them- 
selves and their country. From the earliest period of the 
revolutionary war, to the present moment, the American 
navy has sustained its reputation with equal success ; 
though surrounded by difficulties and perils, which hard- 
ly ever threatened a similar infant institution. It em- 
bodied in its ranks the enterprise and chivalry of a new- 
born people, and with the vigor of youth fought the une- 
qual battle with the giant. Whatever opinions the Eng- 
lish may entertain with regard to the naval successes ob- 
tained by the Americans in the late war, one truth must 
irresistibly force itself upon their minds, — that the Amer- 
icans have shown no inferiority of seamanship ; but evinc- 
ed a familiarity with the ocean, and an habitual defiance 
of its dangers well worthy the oflfspring of the greatest 
maritime nation. 

It was asserted that during the late war with England, 
the American frigates were of a larger size, and their 
guns of a heavier caliber. This I believe was true in 
some instances, but on the lakes the advantage was on 
the side of the English ; and it was joined to a superior 
position. The manner, too, in which some American 
ships made their escape from whole British fleets, proved 
the superiority of their construction, and the seamanship 
of their commanders. 

The navy of the United States is yet young, and com- 
paratively small ; but it possesses that which must event- 
ually make it great, and rival the English itself — unlimit- 
ed commerce, great naval genius, and the first maritime 
position on the globe. But in the worst case, the fame of 
the mother will but descend on her daughter, and the 
tempest be addressed in English, as in the days of Blake 
and Nelson. 

The Americans are sensible of the debt they owe to 



MILITIA SYSTEM. 385 

their navy, and of the influence of its spirit on the officers 
and crews of the merchants' service. Though excessively 
jealous of increasing the national expenditure, they have 
raised the pay of the naval officers, and testified their 
gratitude by the unanimity with which the Senate and 
House of Representatives supported and agreed to the 
measure. At the great number of public dinners, which 
are annually given in America, I have noticed but two 
toasts universally drank by all parties ; one in dignified 
silence, the other with thundering applause: — " the memo- 
ry/ of Washington, ^^ and " the American navy.'''' 

The militia system of the United States was introduced 
into the colonies simultaneously with their settlements, 
and was rendered necessary to protect the infant states 
against the ferocious incursions of the Indians. It was 
happily adapted to the feelings and sentiments of the 
Americans, who, at an early period of their history, were 
jealous of the presence of British troops in their prov- 
inces, and therefore more willing to tax themselves with 
the performance of a certain portion of military duties, 
than suffer regular soldiers to be quartered in their towns 
and villages. They dreaded the possibility of becoming 
subservient to the will and pleasure of the royal govern- 
ors, and employed in subverting the liberties of the colo- 
nies. The Americans were always desirous of governing 
themselves ; and for that purpose required not only moral,, 
but also physical (material) strength, which they happily 
discovered, was secured by arming the citizens. 

At the commencement of the revolutionary war, it was 
but the militia, and especially the New England militia, 
(that of Massachusetts and Connecticut,) who were op- 
posed to the British troops. Without their presence, and 
the sacrifices which they were willing to make to the 
cause of their country, resistance against armed force 
could not have been seriously contemplated, and its con- 
sequences must, unavoidably, have been ignominious or 
tragical. Since the conclusion of peace, the militia es- 
tablishment has been improved in all the states, and a 
uniform system of tactics has been introduced during the 
administration of General Jackson. 

The militia of each state assemble on particular days 
of the year for inspection ; when fines are inflicted on the 
33 



386 INDEPENDENT COMPANIES. 

absentees, and those whose accoutrements and arms are 
not in the condition prescribed by the law. This practice, 
it seems, is not calculated to increase the popularity of the 
system among the wealthier classes, who, on such occa- 
sions, are generally the sufferers ; while the poorer orders, 
and ])articular]y the mechanics, are always ready to 
shoulder tlieir muskets, and go through the usual manoeu- 
vres. The officers, too, being generally elected by the 
privates, (the people,) the choice is apt to fall on those 
who are in a habit of associating with them ; and thus it 
often happens that the wealthiest merchants and profes- 
sional men are enlisted as privates, while the poor me- 
chanic, in his phice as officer, will summon them to 
appear on such a day, " armed and equipped as the law 
directs," at such a place, '■'' there to mvait further orders.'''' 

The mihtia system, in most states, is a tax and an 
annoyance to the rich; while to the people at large it is 
far from proving a burden, but on the contrary an addi- 
tional means of asserting their sovereignty. In time of 
peace, when the benefits of a war establishment are never 
sufficiently appreciated, the annoyance occasioned by the 
annual exercises and manoeuvres, is considered as a most 
uncalled for disturbance of the peace of the wealthy 
citizens ; but the measure being a popular one, they sub- 
mit to it quietly, and, by paying their annual fines, in- 
crease the good cheer of those who are ready for duty. 

The young men, however, being always more or less 
moved by a martial spirit, escape the ignominy of obey- 
ing their tradespeople, by forming themselves into " regu- 
lar uniformed companies," styled independent; and then 
elect their own officers with reference to gentility and 
fortune. It is to these companies English travellers 
frequently allude, when speaking of the American militia. 
They are, fi)r the most part, equipped in an attractive 
style, calculated to exhibit their taste, and to set off their 
persons to advantage. Being generally wealthy, they 
give the preference to the rich uniforms of the Hungarian 
huzzars, or the Polish krakuzow ; so that an European, 
on seeing them march, would be apt to mistake them for 
a dismounted squadron of horse. But there are also 
inde])endent companies of mechanics and other orders of 
society, who, being less rich, are obliged to conform a 



ADVANTAGES OF THE AMERICAN MILITIA SYSTEM. 387 

little more to the unostentatious dress and habits of 
soldiers, and have, therefore, a nnore martial appearance. 

But, although the American militia^have not the disci- 
pline of regular troops, but, on the contrary, evince a 
spirit of independence which singularly contrasts with 
the uniforms of soldiers, they possess, nevertheless, three 
great advantages oyer the largest standing armies which 
could be embarked for the shores of America. The first 
of these consists unquestionably in the superiority of 
their number, which includes the whole male population 
capable of bearing arms; the second, in the readiness 
with which they are able to supply their wants; and the 
Last, in the universality of their genius. 

[t has often been remarked that the Americans never 
confine themselves to one trade, and on this account, 
become rarely as good workmen as Europeans. This 
objection I have already answered in ihe ninth chapter, 
when speaking of American mechanics. I will here 
dwell on the advantages of the system. It compels them 
to think more, and to supply the want of mechanical skill 
by a decided superiority of judgment. They are com- 
pelled to make themselves familiar with a variety of 
operations, and the principles on which they are founded, 
and become thus able to make themselves useful in almost 
every capacity. This universality of adaptation is par- 
ticularly advantageous to their system of national de- 
fence. An American militia company will hardly possess 
the precision and military bearing of European soldiers; 
but, in case of necessity, they will be able to provide 
their own uniforms, make and mend their own shoes, 
and manufacture their guns, bayonets, and swords. They 
will understand how to construct bridges and boats, and 
be capable of managing a vessel. They will be used to 
the felling of trees, and understand how to fortify and 
barricade the high roads ; and above all, they will not 
easily become fatigued, because they are all active men, 
and used to the hardest of labor. Their officers will 
require no attendance or servants; for they will, if neces- 
sary, clean and shoe their own horses, pitch their own 
tents, and share personally the labor of their fellow- 
soldiers in the construction of fortifications and new 
roads. It was by the indefatigable exertions of the 



388 ADVANTAGES OF THE AMERICAN MILITIA SYSTEM. 

militia that, in the war of independence, the British 
troops were harassed in every direction, and often sur- 
prised by the rapidity of the American marches, in the 
worst of seasons, and on roads of their own construction. 
The fortifications of Bunker's Hill (Breed's Hill) were 
constructed in one night; those of Dorchester Heights, 
which commanded the city of Boston, and caused its 
evacuation by the British troops, from night-fall till ten 
o'clock in the morning,* and with the same rapidity was 
the city of New Orleans fortified. Behind entrench- 
ments, or in a terrain coupe, the American militia are 
truly formidable, for they are excellent marksmen, and 
possess the agility of hunters. They compose a body 
which may be a hundred times defeated, and will be a 
hundred times re-organized; for they are animated by 
the same spirit which gave life and power to their coun- 
try, and are themselves the citizens of that country. 
They are, from the geographical position of the United 
States, only required to act on the defensive ; while their 
enemies would have to march through a territory in 
which discipiiiie would not avail, and in which they would 
be exposed to the merciless aim of the western rifle. 

On the whole, the Americans are remarkably fond of 
military parade and honors. The titles of captain, 
major, and colonel, are flunff in everv direction ; but be- 
ing applied indiscriminately to all, no superiority is im- 
plied in the distinction. The militia system indulges 
their martial spirit, without the expense and danger 
attending a standing army, and affords sufficient scope 
for the reasonable ambition of individuals. As to the 
peculiar adaptation of Americans to the performance of 
military duties, my impression is, that the northern and 
eastern states would furnish very useful troops, the 
southern states the most chivalrous, and the west a pecu- 
liar, valorous species, partaking of the courage and 
pertinacity of the Indians. 

* Botta. " SLoria della Guerra delV Indepenclenza dcgli Stati Uniti 
d' America.'" Libro sesio. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



POLITICAL PROSPECTS OF AMERICA. — UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. 

STATE OF PARTIES. RELATIVE POSITION OF NORTH 

AND SOUTH AMERICA. OF NORTH AMERICA, WITH RE- 
GARD TO ENGLAND AND THE REST OF THE Vi^ORLD. 

CONCLUSION. 



As the origin and progress of the United States are 
without a parallel in history, so do her political career 
and prospects not admit of a comparison with the rise 
and fall of the ancient republics, ^vhich were neither in 
form nor substance similar to those of America. Since 
those times, the condition of the civilised world has un- 
dergone a serious change, not only as regards the relation 
of the governed to their rulers, but also in the position 
which the different states themselves have assumed with 
regard to each other. The spirit of Christianity, which 
it seems is, after a lapse of eighteen hundred years, but 
now beginning to unfold its true genius, the art of print- 
ing, and the establishment of posts have revolutionized 
the world, and are continuing to act as reformers on 
every member of the human family. The invention of 
gunpowder has equalized the physical conditions ; while 
the periodical press is laboring to assert the power of 
numbers, in opposition to the privileges of the favored 
few. 

The history of former ages is fraught principally with 
the systematic accounts of the robberies and depreda- 
tions, committed by one people upon. another ; in which 
the masses appear and disappear, but as passive instru- 
ments in the hands of their rulers. The history of the 
33* 



390 POLITICAL ORIGIN 

world was the history of a few individuals, who elevated 
whole nations by their prosperity, or involved them in 
general ruin. In this sense, the kings of the earth were 
truly the representatives of eternal justice, and it was 
but natural for the people to look upon them as imme- 
diate emanations from the Godhead. 

Even the histories of Greece and Rome make no excep- 
tion to this rule. For, although animated by an expansive 
spirit which was capable of grasping the world, the 
masses, which represent the natural interests of man, 
were still in a !?tate of childhood — the lifeless satellites of 
a few radiant stars. The fate of the heroes of the ancient 
world excites even now greater sympathie's than that of 
our contemporaries; because they felt and acted as the 
moral agents of their respective nations, and their rise or 
fall was the birth or funeral of a whole people. The 
Roman republic died with Brutus ; but the martial genius 
of France was not crushed by the fall of Napoleon. 

With the discovery of America commences a new 
historical era. Already had ideas been multiplied ; the 
invention of printing had furnished a means of perpetuat- 
ing them with the masses, and the latter were gradually 
arriving at a state of pupillarity. The mind had begun 
to assert its empire, and to level the conditions of men. 
Opposed to inert material force was the moving power of 
intelligence; and the people themselves had begun to 
assume a part in the historical drama. 

In vain were weapons forged to combat liberty of con-' 
science ; in vain did ecclesiastical and political powers 
unite to oppose the progress of philosophy. The march 
of intellect cannot be impeded by physical obstacles: 
ideas are eternal and im|)erishable, and the light once 
dawning on the world, could not again be changed into 
darkness. The sun once risen, has to complete his 
bright career, before it can again sink below the horizon, 
and suffer night to reassume its empire. The interests 
of truth and humanity had been proclaimed paramount 
even to national distinctions; and instead of fighting the 
wars of tiieir princes, the people had begun to reflect on 
their own position and safety. Arts and sciences had 
become the commonwealth of nations, and civilization 
had made them unite as members of one and the same 
family. 



OP AMERICA. 391 

IK^ But the new empire of the mind existed only in men's 
ideas ; it was destitute of physical power : it had no 
existence in time and space. The inalienable rights of 
men were clashing with the privileges of the favored ; and 
the growing spirit of liberty opposed to the birthright of 
kings. In vain had the people struggled to obtain for it 
a limited territory ; when a peaceful mediation presented 
itself — the settlement of a new continent. In this project 
both parties joined, one from a hope of realising the 
practical application of its principles ; the other to rid 
itself of a dangerous enemy, whose existence at home 
filled their minds with apprehensions of dangers. That 
the discovery and settlement of America did not take 
place sooner, that the most fertile part of the American 
continent was settled by the English^ — the nation which 
was furthest advanced in political philosophy — we must 
ascribe to that power which presides equally over the 
destinies of nations and individuals. Had the new con- 
tinent been settled one century sooner, the whole feudal 
system and its miseries would have been entailed upon it, 
and instead of the intelhgence of Europe, America 
would now reflect the melancholy picture of its suffering 
millions. 

The settlement of the United States took place under 
more favorable circumstances than ever attended the birth 
of a nation. It was effected, in the outset, on principles 
the most pure and philosophical, and encountered no 
serious moral obstacle in its progress. The government 
of America was not a problem ; but a proposition which 
had been demonstrated, and to which the declaration 
of independence was but a corollary. 

The seed of liberty found in Europe no soil favorable 
to its germination ; but it flourished luxuriantly in 
America ; and has since so multiplied that there is no 
fear of its ever becoming extinct. The United States 
have assumed a rank amongst the most powerful nations 
on the globe ; but their strength lies in the moral justice 
of their government. America possesses Jiot only the 
elements of power, but her onward march is hailed by 
the sympathies of increasing civilization. Her cause is 
adopted by the people of all countries ; and instead of 
exciting jealousies, her progress is identified with the 



392 AMERICA COMPARED TO RUSSIA. 

success of liberal principles throughout the world. Ameri- 
ca has become the representative of freedom, and as such 
is destined to act as the animating principle on the rest 
of mankind. 

If Russia had ten times the physical power of the 
United States, her progress would still be uncertain ; for 
she has not the means of adapting her government to the 
spirit of the age. Her way is through darkness and op- 
pression ; while every new idea which quickens into life 
and becomes the property of thousands, is enlarging the 
power of America. Both countries are developing im- 
mense natural resources, and progress with a rapidity 
which threatens the independence of other nations; but 
Russia is the evil genius of history; while America is its 
guardian angel. The power of Russia is opposed to the 
interests of humanity ; that of the United States is based 
upon wisdom and justice. 

Russia, in order to preserve her power, is obliged to 
retain the masses in ignorance, and thereby to make her 
people inferior to all others. Reform, which gives new 
power and increases the political life of other nations, 
she must dread as the harbinger of death ; for it would 
divide her ranks, and dismember her empire. She 
possesses a territory occupied not by one homogeneous 
mass of intelligence ; but by some five or six dozen 
savage hordes, subjected to her government by a military 
despotism. 

The power of Russia rests on her bayonets ; that of 
America on the superiority of mind over brute force. 
They are to each other as darkness to light. If the 
power of Russia has been rapidly extending itself over a 
large portion of Asia, and Europe, it has created no new 
life in either continent ; and her aggrandizement is rather 
the subject of statistics and political geography, than 
matter of universal history. The Americans have in- 
creased their territory by intelligence. Wherever they 
have gone they have created new life ; and their country 
is yet in travail to give birth to powerful states. 

Nor is this the only manner in which the power of 
America increases. The principles of liberty have been 
espoused by other nations, who have become her natural 
allies. Despotism may still claim their territory ; but 



MUTUAL RELATION OF THE SOUTH AND NORTH. 



393 



liberty rules in the minds of the people. In this sense 
the influence of America extends to the very frontiers of 
Russia, and penetrates even into her empire. The day 
of battle must come ; the war of principles must ensue ; 
but it will not be the peaceable abodes of the Americans 
which will be made the scenes of horror and bloodshed. 

The position of America with regard to her defence 
against an external foe, is similar to that of China; but 
she possesses infinitely greater powers of attack. To 
her means of national defence, she joins courage and en- 
terprise ; and instead of the brutalizing despotism of the 
Orientals, she is animated by the spirit of liberty. From 
foreign enemies ; therefore, America has nothing to dread : 
let us examine her prospects within. 

Three great enemies are supposed to exist against the 
union of the American States : — slavery ; the geographical 
distinctions of the north, south, and west; and last though 
not least in the accounts of politicians, the licentiousness 
of the lower classes, which, it is feared, will be the ulti- 
mate consequence of universal suffrage. 

With regard to slavery I have already expressed my 
opinion in Chapter XI ; I am therefore only to explain 
the manner in which its existence acts as a means of 
disseminating discord — or a cement, which, by rendering 
the two sections of the country dependent on one another* 
is an additional guarantee of the Union. I am inclined 
to believe the latter ; though I am ready to admit that 
the north is more independent of the south, than the 
south of the north, and that, on this account, the slave- 
holding states will always be jealous of the power ac- 
quired by the north. It is true, the continuation of 
slavery in the southern states is connected with many 
dangers, some of which are almost as much to be dreaded 
as those which are inseparable from it sabolition ; yet, as 
long as the Union remains, the negroes need not excite 
fear; for any resistance on their part would instantly be 
checked by the north. The south, therefore, is bound to 
conciliate the friendship of the northern and western 
states ; but, in return, exchanges with them its riches. 
The southern states are the best customers of the northern 
manufacturers and merchants ; and by confining them- 
selves principally to the growing of cotton and rice, keep 
up the price of the western produce. 



394 INFLUENCE OF NEW ENGLAND. 

The exports of America consist chiefly of southern 
produce ; that of cotton alone surpasses the sum total of 
all the rest. During the operation of the late tariff, the 
south contributed, in proportion, the by far greatest part 
to the national revenue, and the measure itself was pro- 
posed by the southern statesmen. The returns for the 
southern produce being principally brought to the northern 
ports, it is, in fact, the north which reaps all the advan- 
tages of the southern states ; while the inhabitants of 
the latter are merely the storekeepers of its wealth. The 
negro slaves of America work as much for the prosperity 
of the northern states as for their own masters : they 
create the capital with which the genius of the north 
pursues its manufactures and commerce. 

In case of a separation of the states, this source of 
wealth would inevitably be lost to the north ; for the 
south itself would be compelled to establish manufactures, 
and to seek another channel for its exports. The north 
would at best be but a competitor for the southern trade ; 
while at present it monopolizes it without a rival. 

But the south is connected with the north yet by other 
ties. Nearly all the merchants and traders in the south- 
ern states are emigrants from the north. Through their 
hands, and those of their correspondents, passes nearly 
ell the property of which the planters are possessed. 
Now, it is evident that, in case of a separation, this por- 
tion of the southern population would either be ejected, or 
obhged to take sides with their employers. In the first 
case they would be ruined ; in the last compelled to face 
their own brethren. 

Finally, we might suppose the north, capable of sub- 
duing the south, if the climate of those states were adapt- 
ed to the constitution of the whites ; but even this would 
not increase the wealth of the north. The inhabitants of 
the northern states derive, at present, greater advantages 
from the south, than they could hope for, from an actual 
possession of its soil. At present, the south is furnishing 
them with the materials of industry; as planters, they 
would have to furnish them themselves, and bear the tax 
of their production. Instead of advancing, they would 
have to recede one step, and surround themselves once 
more with those evils, from which they have so happily 



INFLUENCE OF PARTIES. 395 

escaped. But the south and north are too well balanced 
to render such a conquest probable ; and there is, be- 
sides, a western power, whose interests are identified 
with the progress of both, which would never permit such 
a war. 

I consider the progress of the west, as I have once al- 
ready observed, as one of the greatest safeguards of the 
union and liberties of America. It contains the most 
enterprising population of the United States ; and is noted 
for its republican spirit. In case of a quarrel between 
the north and tiie south, the western interest would be 
appealed to ; and in whose favor it would declare, on 
that side would be the victory. But even in this case, 
the union of the west with either party, would oblige the 
other to yield, or expose its own independence. Neither 
is the west more independent of the north and south, than 
those states of each other. One portion of its produce is 
exported to, and consumed in, the north ; the other fol- 
lows the course of the Mississippi, and passes into the 
southern territory. Shut the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and the canals and railroads of the states of New York, 
and Pennsylvania, and the west will be blockaded as 
effectually as if a cordon had been established on its bor- 
ders. 

But there is yet a fourth party in the United States, 
composed of elements which, though less distinguished 
from the rest by physical and geographical differences, 
are, nevertheless, strongly united by a common origin and 
certain moral characteristics, which mark them as a dis- 
tinct people. T refer to the inhabitants of New England. 
The eastern states, as they are commonly termed, must 
become the manufacturing district of America, and will, 
as such, be equally interested in maintaining a good un- 
derstanding with the south, which can never become their 
successful rival ; but will furnish them the best market 
for their manufactures. 

The presence of so many parties must evidently serve 
to neutralise their mutual efiect on one another, and pre- 
vent any one of them from domineering over the rest. 
Every attempt of this kind, would be deprecated by pub- 
lic opinion, — the only real power which exists in the Uni- 
ted States. But the prosperity of all parties is pledged 



396 UNANIMITY OF SENTIMENTS 

in the continuance of peace. The money of the northern 
capitalists is now freely circulating throughout the Union, 
and is equally benefiting the west and south. The indus- 
try and success of individuals are not supported by a par- 
ticular section of tlie country ; but depend on the good 
will and co-operation of all. The enterprising spirit of 
New England would be stifled, or at least checked, if 
the west and south did not furnish it aliment. Dn the 
other hand, the west could not realise the value of its pro- 
duce, if the north and south were unwilling to become its 
purchasers; and the south could not be secured the quiet 
possession of its slaves, if the planters could not rely on 
the active assistance of the north. 

From the beginning of their existence, to the present 
hour the fate of the American Colonies was identified 
with their mutual friendship and good understanding. 
From the first moment of their existence, their interests 
were so intimately connected with each other that they 
voluntarily established that Union which has since become 
the means of their greatness. The same causes are still 
operating, with a tenfold greater force, than at the time 
of the revolution. Their mutual interests in the Union 
have increased and continue to augment every year. The 
mere pecuniary losses which would result from a separa- 
tion are incalculable. Industry, commerce, and agri- 
culture would be checked in every part of the country, 
and the enterprise of individuals confined to the narrow 
limits of single states and territories. There is no real 
advantage to be gained by any of the parties, at all equal 
to the loss it would inevitably have to sustain ; and it is 
therefore not to be supposed that the United States, even 
with the most sordid view to their separate interests, will 
ever seriously entertain a thought of separation. But as 
long as the nation at large is not infected with this pest, 
the ambition of individuals must wreck against the firm- 
ness and good sense of the people. War and strife have 
ever been promoted by only a few ; the masses have had 
nothing to gain by them. In proportion, therefore, as 
the latter become capable of understanding their own in- 
terests, armed opposition must cease, not only in Ameri- 
ca, but in every part of the world. The unhappy doctrine 
that the ruin of one country establishes the greatness of 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 397 

another, does not even hold of two neighboring kingdoms ; 
much less of two sister states, united under one and the 
same general government. 

Neither does the progress of American legislation ex- 
hibit the least symptoms of inimical feelings between the 
different parties. South Carolina, it is true, resisted the 
tariff; but the rest of the United States were willing to 
repeal the obnoxious law, and at the same time deter- 
mined to enforce it, till it should be repealed. The 
southern states complained at the undue interference with 
their slaves ; and immediately the different states of the 
north pass the strongest resolutions, censuring the pro- 
ceedings of the abolitionists, and prohibiting their inter- 
ference in the future. The same sentiments have since 
been espoused even by the lowest classes, while the 
preachers of abolition have been driven from their homes 
and the pulpit. The south claimed the exclusive right of 
legislating on the subject of slavery, aright which belongs 
to them by the very letter of the constitution, but which, 
of late, had been made the subject of serious discussion; 
and immediately Congress passes a vote, that the govern- 
ment of the United States has no right to interfere with it. 
Incendiary pampiilets are sent into the southern, states ; 
but the government of the Union orders the postmasters 
not to deliver them. Does this look like oppression on 
the part of the majority which now uphold the govern- 
ment ? * Can the south, under these circumstances, com- 
plain of the undue interference of the north ? And is it 
not evident that, even in the case of interference, the 
Union has the power to protect them? 

Edmund Burke, in his address to the Americans, in 
behalf of the minority of the House of Commons, fore- 
saw the power which some of the American states would 
acquire over others ; and with sagacious forecast coun- 
selled them to adhere to a government, which should have 
the power of protecting them against each other's ag- 
gressions. This power, though Burke applied it only to 

* It is but justice to say that the respectable part of the opposition 
are as much opposed to the doctrines and practices of the abolitionists, 
as the supporters of the present administration ; and that, in general, 
there is no political party in the United States, opposed to the interests 
of the planters. 

34 



398 UNANIMITY OF SENTIMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 

the British king and parliament, is evidently vested in 
Congress. As long as the Union lasts, the small states 
will be protected ; but severed from the bulk of the re- 
public, they must be swallowed up by their more powerful 
neighbors. 

Tiie small states of the German Confederation were 
much more independent during the Empire than they are 
now, governed by sovereign princes. Prussia and Aus- 
tria have each but four votes at the Diet; but these ^votes 
are backed by five hundred thousand bayonets; and their 
propositions, therefore, meet with no opposition. Austria, 
in the shape of advice, interferes more with the minor 
states than she ever did, or could do, while her emperors 
were emperors of Germany, and required the support of 
those states. 

I do not believe, that, at present, there can be found 
one candidate for office in the northern states, professing 
to be an abolitionist ; and if he were such, the state of 
public opinion is so changed within the last year, that he 
would not have the least chance of being elected. The 
fanaticism of a Cew publishers and printers of newspapers 
is all that remains of the whole abolition plot ; and these 
cannot find an office in New York willing to insure their 
property. The abolitionists were never regularly organ- 
ized, and would have scarcely been able to injure the 
feelings of the planters, if, in the outset, they had not 
been too insignificant to attract public attention. This 
evidently shows the disposition of all parties to reconcile 
each other's good will, by making the utmost concessions 
which are compatible with their mutual independence. 

That the moral arguments in favor of the Union, to 
which I have already alluded in the eleventh chapter, and 
the dread of the calamities which would result from its 
dissolution, are daily more engrossing the public mind, is 
a fact beyond tiie possibility of doubt or controversy. The 
Americans speak of the probability of such an event, but 
still use every means to prevent its occurrence : they are 
aware of the danger, and provide for an early remedy. 
The conversation of southerners turns seldom on the sub- 
ject ; but at the north it is a common topic but too often 
discussed before strangers There are men who are so 
palsied by the approach of dangers, that their very fears 



CIRCUMSTANCES IN FAVOR OF THE UNION. 399 

accelerate the unfortunate events which they dread : but 
the Union of America rests on a broader basis than mere 
individual speculation; it is founded on the material, 
moral, and pohtical interests of the people ; the people 
understand these interests, and are at liberty to follow 
their own judgment. 

There is yet another peculiar feature of the American 
character which must have a strong influence on the 
stability of the Union. No people in the world are more 
fond of magnitude and extension. An American would, in 
his own phraseology, think himself ^^ belittled ^^ if he were 
to be called a " citizen of New York " or " Pennsylvania." 
He must have room for expansion ; for, in his mind, he 
has already anticipated the possession of the whole con- 
tinent. 

The greatest pleasure of an inhabitant of the United 
States consists in saiHng up and down the Mississippi, 
several thousand miles, without meeting an impediment 
to his progress. How completely destructive to his 
dreams of greatness would be the thought of being arrest- 
ed, half a dozen times, on his way to New Orleans, as he 
would pass from one state or territory into another, or 
received as a stranger in a land which he now calls his 
own. The northerner would have to stop his locomotive 
in the same manner, on his way to business and amuse- 
ment. He would scarcely be able to accept an invitation 
to dine with a friend, without having a passport or a 
permit from the governors of the different states through 
which he would have to pass, on his proceeding to the 
place of rendezvous. 

The idea of separation strikes most Americans not 
only as a political calamity, but also — as it ought to do — 
as an absolute and permanent degradation. They know 
that they would forfeit the respect of the world, and that 
a Neio Yorker or New Englander would not command 
the same attention in Europe, which is now so liberally 
extended to an American. They feel obliged to defend 
the Union, as they would their individual honors; and be- 
hold in its continuance the surety of their happiness and 
power. 

But in addition to all the moral and physical causes 
which act in favor of the Union, there exists amongst the 



400 STATE-ARISTOCRACY OF THE SENATE. 

Americans, notwithstanding- the frequent appearances to 
the contrary, a strong mutual attachment, and a love of 
country, which is always translated into a love of the 
United States. This feeling is the stronger between the 
different states, as it extends, in a measure, even to 
England. The Americans still love the country which 
gave them birth, and protected their early infancy, and 
of whose constitution and laws they have preserved so 
valuable a part. Whatever may have been their feelings 
at the time of resisting the British Government, they must 
still consider themselves as one and the same people with 
the British, and, as such, cherish a sincere aftection for 
their brethren across the Atlantic. There may have ex- 
isted a sectional feeling in New England, since her in- 
habitants have been repeatedly reproached with it; but 
it is now fast yielding to more enlarged and national 
views, and it was always connected with the strongest 
sympathies for their brethren of the south and west. 

At the commencement of the revolutionary war, the 
state of Massachusetts was, with Virginia, the most en- 
lightened and powerful province of all the British posses- 
sions of America. Her councils and her example animat- 
ed the other states in the struggle for liberty, and she 
had, for a long time, the greatest influence on the delib- 
erations of Congress. In proportion as the south, and 
especially the west, increased in population, the power 
and influence of New England diminished ; but her intel- 
ligence remained, and created a sad disproportion between 
her moral and physical resources. The New England 
states, therefore, have, until lately, enjoyed the reputation 
of being the most aristocratic in the Union ; because it 
was their interest to increase the j)otvcr of the Senate, in 
which their moral superiority could avail, and to check, 
if possible, the rapid progress of universal sufi'rage, and 
the power vested in the House of Representatives ; be- 
cause their numerical force must diminish every year in 
proportion as the west becomes settled. 

Each state, namely, sends two senators to Congress; 
but the number of representatives is in proportion to the 
population. The six New England states, Maine, New- 
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
Rhode Island, send together thirty-eight representatives; 



NEW ENGLAND ARISTOCRACY. 401 

of which Maine furnishes eight, New Hampshire five, 
Massachusetts twelve, Rhode Island two, and Con- 
necticut six. The number of representatives from New 
York is thirty, that of Pennsylvania twenty-eight, and of 
Ohio nineteen. Ohio did not even exist in 1800, but has 
now more than fifty per cent, more influence in the 
Congress than the old colony of Massachusetts. The 
state of New York, which, during the revolutionary war, 
and immediately after, was much inferior to Massachu- 
setts, has now alone as much influence as five of the New 
England states together; and Pennsylvania has nearly as 
much. But in the Senate the case is reversed. New 
England alone has twelve senators, while the large state 
of New York has but two. The New England states, 
therefore, when united, command, in the senate, six times 
the influence of the state of New York. This is sufli- 
cient to produce a sort of '■^state-aristocracy'''' which, 
indeed, has for a long time existed in the Senate. A 
small number of the whole population of the United 
States, or at least a minority, might, in the Senate, op- 
pose the wishes of by far the majority of the people; 
while in the House of Representatives, the masses decide 
in a national manner, independent of states and local 
interests. In the House of Representatives the New 
England states must daily lose more and more of their 
influence, which must eventually be almost entirely ab- 
sorbed by the growing west ; but in the Senate, her in- 
terests v/ill yet, for a long time, be fully and ably repre- 
sented. A number of English writers have accounted for 
this species of state-aristocracy, by asserting that the 
superior education of the people of New England must 
naturally make them Tories ; but I have never seen in 
the toryism of New England, any thing but a very clear 
perception of their own political, commercial and manu- 
facturing interests. 

But these feelings of the inhabitants of the eastern 
states, which may sometimes influence their political 
proceedings, are far from destroying their amicable rela- 
tions with the south and west. The western states more- 
over, have been explored and settled, principally, by 
emigrants from New England, who will always cherish 
a warm afl?ection for "the land of the pilgrims," though 
34* 



402 PREJUDICES OF THE SOUTH AND NORTH. 

their political feelings may become changed with the 
circumstances of their position. 

Nothing, indeed, is more common in the United States, 
than to hear the people of the north entertain their guests 
with the severest criticism on the manners and habits of 
the south. But if a foreigner join in the controversy, he 
will soon be avoided, and the offence be considered as 
national. In the same manner, one may hear the south- 
erners indulge themselves in sarcasms at the north ; but 
it would be exceedingly unguarded in a stranger to imi- 
tate so dangerous an example, as the interference would 
always be followed by a total exclusion from society. 
The Americans often quarrel with each other, but no 
sooner is any portion of them attacked by a stranger, 
than they are all united, and ready to oppose him as 
citizens of one and the same country. 

The same is the case with the different political par- 
ties. An Englishman will often be astonished with the 
ultra-tory speeches of American politicians, and at their 
great veneration for kings and princes, expressed some- 
times, in terms of more slavish obedience than he would 
be able to hear in any part of Eur<^pe ; but he is mistaken 
if he believes one half of them to express their real senti- 
ments. The Americans frequently manifest their utter 
contempt for democracy, mob-govern me nt, &,c.; but no 
sooner will any one attack the constitution of the United 
States, the wisdom of their statesmen and legislators, the 
happy influence of republican institutions on the general 
information and prosperity of the people, than they will 
oppose him with all the vehemence and enthusiasm of 
which they are capable ; and develope, in the course of 
their arguments, those essential principles of radicalism, 
which they pretend to despise in others. 

Their contempt for democracy, it will be perceived, is 
purely personal ; they do not like the men, but they are 
sincerely attached to the 'principUs of a democratic gov- 
ernment; and their spurious respect for personal distinc- 
tions is always based on a proper regard for the superi- 
ority of their own qualifications. They may bow to 
kings and nobles, and even ex^jress a wish of conjuring 
them up in their own country ; but it is the moral and 
physical impossibility of realising such an event, which 



CAUTION TO STRANGERS. 403 

causes such heedless expressions. Nothing could be 
more wm/ d propos, than a sudden gratification of their 
desire; which would place them precisely in the same 
predicamejit, as the unfortunate man with the tliree wishes 
in the fairy tale. 

The same I have noticed with the democrats. They 
will do all in their power to deprive their antagonists of 
political influence, and, like their opponents, will not al- 
ways be particularly nice in the choice of their weapons; 
but if any stranger presume to join them, they are always 
ready to defend the character, intelligence and even 
patriotism of their political foes. I remember, par- 
ticularly on one occasion, to have expressed an opinion 
with regard to the qualifications of a certain statesman, 
precisely the same which the gentleman whom I address- 
ed had been in the habit of publishing for many years. I 
did this merely to learn his sentiments on the subject, and 
vras therefore not a little surprised to hear him qualify 
and explain them entirely to the advantage of his antago- 
nist ; whose talents, ingenuity and honor he eulogised in 
a manner which prevented me efiectually from making 
any further remarks. " You are right in principle," 
added he, " but you do not understand the working of it. 
You are yet a stranger to the feelings of the community. 
You are ^foreigner.'''' 

It is, in fact, very dangerous, for persons who intend 
residing in the United States, to attack any one of their 
institutions or public men, even in presence of those who 
oppose them. The Americans are very sensitive with 
regard to every thing belonging to them as a nation ; 
and a person excluded from society in one part of the 
country, will not easily obtain admission to it in another. 
If there be any thing really striking in the national feelings 
of Americans, it is their remarkable unanimity on all im- 
portant questions of state, and a community of senti- 
ments and feelings, in a country so diversified in soil and 
climate. 

As one of the causes which must eventually destroy the 
government, and the Union of the states, many political 
writers assign the growing spirit of democracy, and the 
principle of universal suffrage, introduced in most of the 
states. I must confess I look upon den;iocracy, as it 



404 DEMOCRACY 

exists in the United States, as a means of preserving 
peace and the Union ; and would sooner trust the safety 
of the state to the large majority of the American people, 
than to any faction ever so much enlightened and skilled 
in the art of government. The origin, manners, and 
habits of Americans are democratic, and nothing short 
of a pure democracy could have ever contented them. 
Under any other form of government they would neces- 
sarily approach a revolution ; but, settled into a democ- 
racy, the power is placed at its fountain, and there can 
be no misconstruction as to its origin or application. As 
long as the people, for whom government is instituted, 
continue to rule, no faction will dare show its head : when 
the people cease to rule, then will commence the intrigues 
of parties; not before. 

At the present moment, the majority govern with a 
supremacy, and a submission on the part of the minority, 
which inspires universal faith in the government ; by 
making it strong without and capable of upholding the 
law within. Anarchy is the bugbear with which the en- 
lightened opposition endeavor to frighten the supporters 
of democracy ; but the increased facilities of credit, and 
the amount of banking operations and speculations in 
western lands, afford the clearest proof of their implicit 
confidence in the strength and efficiency of the govern- 
ment, to protect liberty, life and property. The govern- 
ment of the United States was, in the first instance, 
established on the broadest and most liberal basis. De- 
mocracy, in its widest sense, was contained in the very 
letter of the constitution, and in the declaration of inde- 
pendence. But it was not a mob which was introduced 
into power, — for that never existed in America ; it was 
the people at large, who had achieved their liberation. 
As the resources of the United States became more and 
more developed, a class of wealthy citizens sprung up, 
who, dreading the consequences of a democracy, or 
rather anarchy, as it then existed in France, intended to 
seize upon the government as it then was, and prevent 
the masses from participating in it, as an uncontrolled 
sovereign power. I do not mean to say that their motives 
were necessarily bad : they may have been actuated by 
patriotism, and a sincere desire of promoting the public 



IN AMERICA. 405 

good ; yet it is but natural to suppose that the usual 
share of vanity, which falls to every man's lot, may have 
induced them to consider themselves as the best persons 
in whom to repose public trust, without that scrupulous 
regard for the qualifications of others, which a love of 
justice, and a disinterested attachment to their country 
might have required. 

They commenced, in the first place, with the Senate, 
which represents the states, and not directly the people. 
They constantly endeavor to increase its power, and to 
diminish that of the representatives. I have before re- 
marked that New England, in particular, was so situated 
as to have most to gain from such a measure ; while, on 
the other hand, she had most to dread from an increase 
of popular power. But the democratic spirit of the peo- 
ple soon overthrew all the sagacious doctrines of a 
"strong," "concentrated," "enlightened" government, 
which " should have the power of acting on the peo[)le," 
and, in case of resistance, bring them to a proper under- 
standing of their own interests, " of which the people 
themselves are never competent judges." 

The unfortunate events of the French revolution seem- 
ed to offer a sufficient apology for the political zeal with 
which, at an early period of the history of the American 
republic, democratic opinions and doctrines were com- 
batted. But the circumstances of the two countries had 
nothing in common with each other. The Americans 
in establishing a democracy, avoided a revolution; the 
French had to create one ; at least a moral one ; for the 
minds of the people were not prepared for it. The 
Americans had accomplished their object, and were only 
insuring to thernselves the permanent and quiet possession 
of their acquired rights; the French were Jighting for 
them with foreign and internal foes. The Americans 
had always been freemen, from the earliest establishment 
of their colonies ; the French had been slaves previous 
to the revolution of 1789. In America, equality was to 
be 'preserved by preventing one class from arrogating to 
themselves certain exclusive privileges, which might have 
enabled them to domineer over the others; in France 
men who possessed \iO\w ex were to be divested of it, and 
reduced to an equality with the rest. 



406 DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA. 

Democracy, in America, has always had justice in its 
favor. It was the democratic spirit of America which 
prevented the introduction of titled distinctions into the 
colonies ; it was the democratic spirit of the country, 
which at an early period resisted the unjust pretensions 
of the British government ; and it was the spirit of 
democracy which finally achieved the independence. 
The democrats, since the revolution, never deprived any 
party of tlieir lawful power or property ; they did not even 
wish to eftect a change ; but they desired to retain their 
public servants no longer than they chose or thought con- 
sistent with their own safety ; and appointed others in 
their stead who were equally men of their own choice, 
and the representatives of public opinion. They knew 
admirably well that a long exercise of power, must finally 
identify the power with the incumbent, and were, there- 
fore, exceedingly anxious to remind their rulers, as often 
as possible, of the fact that the fee-simple is in them, and 
that no other party in the state possesses sovereign power. 
They were instinctively impressed with the truth of Livy 
" Liberlatis mag7ia custodia est, si magna impcria esse non 
sines, et tcmporis modus imponalur ; " and laid it down as a 
maxim, that rotation in ofiice is the only safeguard of 
republican institutions. 

All this was contained in the very charter of the coun- 
try ; and the opposers of democracy in America, if they 
wish to remain consequent in tlieir arguments, must re- 
trace their steps, and censure the first acts of the colonial 
assemblies, which clashed with the decrees of the royal 
governors. Nor would this suflSce. They would have 
to go back to the history of Britain ; and condemn the 
fathers of their country, for emigrating to the shores of 
New England. 

The present administration has, more than any pre- 
vious one, carried out the principles of pure democracy. 
The federal (state) party was gradually dying away, 
when at once an opportunity presented itself, of reviving 
its ancient doctrines, by the forming of a new party 
which called itself " national republican." But this 
being in turn defeated by the uncompromising spirit of 
democracy, a new name was invented to rally its scattered 
fragments, and accordingly, they assumed the ingenious 



STATE OF PARTIES IN AMERICA. 407 

name of " whig^s," while they stigmatised the democrats 
as " tories," an appellation which never sounded very 
grateful to American ears. 

To describe the various principles embraced or pro- 
fessed by these parties, would be to repeat a twice-told 
tale. Those of the democratic party have never seriously 
altered, from the commencement of the revolution to the 
present day ; and consisted in making every power of the 
state immediately dependent on the people. Those of the 
federalists, national republicans, and a>odern whigs, have 
occasionally undergone an apparent change. The party 
were careful to avoid general opposition, abandoned, oc- 
casionally, some of their most obnoxious doctrines — at 
least for a time, until they should have an opportunity of 
rising once more into power — and sailed, when prudence 
required it, under false colors. But with all the incli- 
nations and variations of their political compass, the point 
they were always endeavoring to make, was to confide 
power to comparatively few, and to deprive the masses of 
the privilege of voting. They take it as a political axiom 
that the people can never govern themselves ; because 
the people are never sufficiently enlightened for that pur- 
pose ; and yet they expect that the people, who now pos- 
sess the power, will have sufficient good sense voluntarily 
to surrender it to them ; and to appoint them trustees of 
the wealth, wisdom, and progress of the nation. 

The federal party deny that all men are born "free 
and equal," — the very words used in the American dec- 
laration of independence, — and yet, in their arguments, 
will adduce the example of Greece, Rome, England and 
France, and maintain that one nation is exactly like 
another, because human nature is everywhere the same. 
They thus admit that their own does not differ from that 
of the rest of mankind ; but that circumstances have ele- 
vated them to a proud eminence over tlieir fellow-crea- 
tures. They are, in fact, admirabhj fit to govern, and this 
is a sufficient reason for them to claim the government; 
and to deride those, who from sheer ignorance, are con- 
tinuing to rule themselves and their antagonists, when 
they might resign the irksome task to the more intelligent 
and learned. The federal party have studied the art of 
government, and reduced it to a science. They can prove 



408 STATE OF PARTIES IN AMERICA. 

»' by a plus 6, divided by z; that the sheep must be red, 
and die with the small-pox,"* when their ignorant oppo- 
nents would never know more than that it was a sheep. 
The sum and substance of their argument is this. The 
people must be led in order to prevent them from taking 
a wrong direction, or from remaining too far behind. In 
order to lead them, it is, of course, necessary, that some 
citizens (always the enlightened and scientific) should be 
placed at the head, with sufficient power to compel the 
rest to follow. Ail this is evidently for the good of the 
people, which the people themselves do not know. But 
the people unfortunately wish to remain judges of their 
own good, and never like to have the head too far removed 
from the body. This is in truth all the difference of opin- 
ion which exists between the present parties in the United 
States, though a great deal of learning has been exhausted, 
by Mr. Hanmton and others, to account scientifically for 
the political schism. 

Whoever has been an impartial observer of the Ameri- 
cans, will have come to the conclusion that no other form 
of government, save a pure democracy, could have ever 
insured their freedom, or satisfied their love of liberty; 
and that every attempt to introduce aristocratic institu- 
tions into their country, must necessarily rouse the oppo- 
sition and indignation of the people. De Tocqueville ob- 
serves that at the present period, the nations of Europe 
have no other alternative than to choose between a de- 
mocracy and an absolute despotism ; but he might d for- 
tiori apply the same doctrine to the Americans. Without 
believing with De Tocqueville that the laws of a democ- 
racy must necessarily be imperfect, but, on the contrary, 
convinced that they must always benefit the majority or 
be soon abrogated, I am fully persuaded of the correct- 
ness of the remainder of his argument, and especially of 
the truth of his remarks on the spirit of family. t He ap- 

* "Voltaire's Candide. 

t " Mais de nos jours oil touies les classes acMvent de se confondre, oh 
Vindividu disparait de plus en plus dans la foule, et se perd aisdment au 
milieu de Vobscuriti coviviune, aujourd'hui gue Vhomieur monarchique 
ayant presque perdu son empire sans etre remplaci par la vertu, rien ne 
soutientplusVhommeau dessus de lui-meme, quipeut dire oil s'arreteraient 
les exigejices du pouvoir et les complaisances de lafaiblesse ? 



ARISTOCRACY IN AMERICA. 409 

plies this part of his argument chiefly to the condition of 
France ; but how much more must it hold with regard to 
the United States 1 If hereditary distinctions have, in a 
manner, been abolished in France, where still all their 
trappings and titles are left, tliey have never existed in 
America ; and the law of primogeniture was always op- 
posed to the manners and customs of the people. It 
hardly ever takes more than two or three generations to 
reduce the wealthiest families in the United States, in 
point of fortune, to an equahty with the industrious class- 
es; and in the ordinary course of nature genius is not 
hereditary. The Americans, therefore, are not apt to 
form attachments to certain families, who have no power 
of rewarding their fidelity ; and the road to honor and 
distinction being open to all, view with peculiar jealousy 
any attempt at elevation resting on ancestral pretensions. 

Aristocracy, in America, must first be created, before 
it can exercise its influence ; but all the institutions of the 
country are totally opposed to its birth. 

Notliing indeed is more common, than to hear Ameri- 
cans themselves aver that " there is a great deal of aris- 
tocracy in their country, of which Europeans, generally, 

" Tant qu^a dur6 Vesprit defamille, Vhomme qui luttait contre la tyran- 
nie n^6toAt jamais seul; il trouvait autour de lui des cliens, des aviisMri- 
ditaires, des proches. Et eel appui lui eut-il manqtid il se sentait encore 
soutenu par ses aieux et animi par ses descendans. Mais quand le patri- 
moine se divise, et quand en pen d'annies ies races se confondent^ oil placer 
Vesprit de famille ? " 

* * * * 

" Ceci ne 7)i6rite-t-il pas quJon y songe 7 Si Ies hommes devaient ar river, 
en effet a ce point quHl falliU Ies reiidre tous Hbres ou tous csclaves, iotis 
6gaux en droits ou tous privis de droits ? Si ceux qui gouvernent Ies 
soci6tis en ttaient reduits a cette alternative d'i.lever graduellement la 
foule jusqu' a eux, ou de laisser tomber tous Ies citoyens au dessoics du 
niveau de r/iumaniten'en serait ce pas assez pour vaincre bicn des doutes, 
rassurer bien des consciences^ et priparer cliacun a faire aisiment de 

grands sacrifices 7 " 

ih * * * 

'' Les volontes de la d6mocratie sont chcmgcanies, ses agens grossiers; 
ses lois imparfaites. Je Vaccorde. Mais sHl etait vrais que bientot il ne 
dut exister aucun intermediaire entre V empire de la dimocratie et le joug 
d'un seul, ne devrions nous pas plutot tendre vers Vun que nous soumettre 
volontairement h Vautre 7 Et sHl fallait enfin en arriver a une compUte 
6galit6 ne voudrait-il pas mieux se laisser niveller par la liberty que par 
un dcspote 7 " — Tocqueville de la Democratic en Am6rique. 

35 



410 UNITERSAL SUFFRAGE. 

are entirely unaware." Now I have remained nearly fif- 
teen years in the United States ; but I have never been 
able to discover this aristocracy, nor its trappings, pow- 
er, influence, or worshippQrs. I have, assuredly, known 
a variety of fasliionable coteries, — at least, what in 
America would be called fashionable, — composed of 
highly respectable merchants, literary and professional 
men, politicians and others, who, it was evident, con- 
sidered themselves the nobility and gentry of the land ; 
but they never had the courage of avowing their senti- 
ments and pretensions in public; and have, of late, been 
as much excluded from the government of the country, as 
they avoided being confounded with the rest of their fel- 
low-citizens. On the other hand, I have had an oppor- 
tunity of observing a class of society, again composed of 
highly respectable merchants, literary and professional 
men, politicians and others, who never exhibited the least 
symptoms of imaginary superiority over their country- 
men, but always acknowledged themselves to be public 
servants, paid and provided for by the people, and who, 
in fact, possessed considerable more power and influence 
than tiieir aristocratic neighbors with tiie exclusive sen- 
timents. One party was always dreaming of influence 
and distinction, the other actually possessed them. This 
is all the difference I have ever known between the aris- 
tocracy and democracy of America. 

Universal suffrage has been decried as leading to anar- 
chy, and thence to despotism. General Jackson had al- 
ready been represented as the future dictator of the re- 
public. How have these predictions been verified? The 
democratic party have developed more union and strength 
than any previous one in power. They have reconciled 
the south with the north, and preserved the integrity of 
the Union. They have in every instance upheld the law 
and subjected states and individuals to the proper au- 
thority of Congress. They have, at the same time, ab- 
stained from any undue and unconstitutional interference 
with the internal regulations of the states, and procured 
justice for all that were injured. They have made the 
government respected abroad, and obliged even the most 
powerful nations to preserve peace and good faith with 
the United States. In short, they deleated their antago- 



UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. 411 

iiists at home and abroad, and inspired universal confi- 
dence in the safety and stabihty of American institutions. 

And what has become of the dictator? He is indeed 
yet the idol of the people whose interests he endeavored 
to protect by every act of his military and political life; 
but he is retiring from office, as all his predecessors, with 
no other personal gratification than the affections of 
America, and the admiration of Europe. He will leave 
to his successor the example of his virtue, and a govern- 
ment established on liberty and justice. 

Democratic institutions, as they exist in America, are 
without a precedent in history. The ancients never 
dreamed of a government similar to that of the United 
States ; and its very existence was precluded by the igno- 
rance of the masses, and the absence of a periodical 
press. Never, before, have the people at large partici- 
pated in, or assumed, the government of a state. All the 
arguments in the world in favor or against democracy 
must, therefore, remain conjectures till time shall have 
solved the problem. The question, in America, is no 
longer whether democracy is to he established, but whether 
it is to be changed. It exists there already, and cannot 
be abolished without a most dangerous and violent revo- 
lution. The tories are the revolutionists in America: 
the democrats are the conservatives, and adhere to the 
government. The point at issue is, whether the latter are 
to give up a form of government under which they have 
prospered, and made such immense improvements, mere- 
ly because doubts are entertained as to the possibility of 
retaining it forever? — whether they shall surrender a 
power, which once departed from them will never return 
to its source, and to obtain which they would have to 
make new and additional sacrifices ? 

The face of the world is changed ; why should the old 
forms of government be the only ones adapted to its new 
character ? The people have acquired information and 
power ; why should they not use them in the establish- 
ment of governments, when they can do so without com- 
mitting an act of injustice to others ? Democracy in 
America, is a legitimate and historical form of government, 
and does not clash with the established manners and 
customs of the country. The most perfect despotism — 



412 THE WAR IN TEXAS. 

that of China — has lasted for thousands of years ; why 
should liberty alone be forever banished from the earth? 
If tyranny could find sucli a basis, should justice be built 
in the air? I much rather believe that the liberty of the 
ancients was not established on a basis sufficiently large 
to withstand the attacks of factions, and that the over- 
throw of their republics was chiefly owing to the little 
power which was vested in tlie majority of the people. 
A whole nation is seldom deceived about her true in- 
terests, and cannot be bribed by a party. The people 
may make faults, but they have always the power of re- 
pairing them, and where they have a share in the govern- 
ment, are identified with its continuance and progress. 
If it be true that " universal history contains the judgment 
of the world,"* we must consider the downfall of Rome 
as the punishment of its political crimes, and may hope 
for the freedom of America as long as her people shall 
be worthy of it. 

Of the greatest importance to the progress of the 
United States, is the present contest of the Texians with 
the republic of Mexico. The Americans were not bound 
to assist their brethren, who had quitted their country ; 
yet the enormous sums, and the number of volunteers 
which, since the commencement of the war, have been 
sent from the United States to assist those bold adven- 
turers, are totally incommensurate with the American 
interests in that province. It was the sympathy of coun- 
trymen, and of political friends, which procured money 
and troops for the Texians, and enabled them to repel 
the attacks of their enemies. 

I never, from the commencement of hostilities, believed 
that the Mexicans would be able to reconquer their terri- 
tory, and I certainly do not think so now ; but I am far 
from considering tlie annexation of Texas to the United 
States in the light of many politicians, who view in it 
only the subject of future quarrels. I think it rather 
favorable to the continuance of the Union, than threaten- 
ing to change its principles. The New England and 
northern states, generally, will at first lose a portion of 
their political influence ; but they will recover it again in 

*" Die Weltgescliichte ist das Weltfrericht.-" — Schiller. 



INFLUENCE OF TEXAS ON THE UNION. 413 

the future, enabling the south in the mean time to reas- 
sume its wonted influence in Congress. The territory of 
Texas may easily be divided into three or four indepen- 
dent states, which, for a period, would insure a majority 
of southern members in the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives. But I do not apprehend that the power of 
the south can ever be so far increased, as to endanger 
the safety of the nortlr. At present, the southern states 
are jealous of a possible interference of the north with 
the institution of slavery. They are morbidly sensitive 
on this subject, because they feel that they are, in a 
measure, at the mercy of the north, who might offend 
them without dreading their revenge. By the accession 
of Texas, they will be able to defend themselves, and 
establish a system of equality, which cannot but be pro- 
ductive of greater harmony and friendship. 

No passion is so destructive to a sincere attachment as 
fear ; nothing so opposed to a mutual good understanding 
as a mind filled with suspicion. These obstacles to 
friendship can only be avoided by a greater equality of 
position, which shall render it impossible for one party 
to injure and oppress the other. Under such circum- 
stances, an hundred concessions will be made, which the 
weaker would have refused from jealousy, and which, on 
the part of the stronger, would have had the appearance 
of condescension. Thus, the southern states of America 
may hereafter abolish slavery ; but they will not do so as 
long as the measure appears to be forced upon them ; 
and until they have the means of protecting themselves 
against the possible encroachments of the blacks. The 
more powerful the district is which becomes thus united 
by the same interests, the less will they apprehend from 
their slaves and the northern agitators ; the more chari- 
table therefore will they be in their treatment of their 
negroes, and the more ready to listen to the voice of 
humanity. 

There is no reason to believe that the admission of 
Texas into the Union will create a distinct interest, op- 
posed to that of the northern and western states. The 
north, and a portion of the west, (those states which 
increase more rapidly than all the rest,) have no material 
interest which could be endangered by the continuance 
35* 



414 INFLUENCE OF TEXAS ON THE UNION. 

of slavery ; and the question therefore, can only be one 
of political eminence. But whatever additional power 
the south may, in this manner, acquire, must finally be 
overbalanced by the much more rapid increase of the 
white population in the western stales, and can therefore 
only serve to re-establish, for a limited period, the position 
which the south held immediately after the establishment 
of peace. Instead of stirring up the question of slavery, 
with a view to excite prejudices which, in course of time, 
may endanger the Union, I am inclined to believe it will 
cause the subject to sleep — each party reposing on its 
own strength, until, in the natural course of events, the 
power of the north will have again surpassed that of the 
south, rendering its intentions and motives a fresh matter 
of suspicion. So far then from causing a separation, the 
annexation of Texas will be a promoter of harmony and 
friendship, and allay those prejudices which the ill-guided 
zeal of a few individuals has excited in the minds of the 
southerners. 

Neither will the financial condition of the southern and 
northern states be altered by the new accumulation of 
territory. The soil of Texas is favorable to the cultivation 
of cotton, and its climate and position, in other respects, 
similar to those of the southern states. Texas, therefore, 
can only be a competitor of the south, and perhaps de- 
press the price of cotton ; but to the north it will open an 
additional market for manufactures, and new means of 
promoting navigation and commerce. Neither will the 
condition of the west undergo a material change, except 
for the better. The inhabitants of Texas will become 
consumers of the western produce, without the least 
probability of competing with it in other markets ; and 
the west, enriched by its new customers, will furnish ad- 
ditional employment to the industry and enterprise of the 
north. In every direction it must increase the prosperity 
of the country, and enlarge the stake which the Ameri- 
cans have in the Union. The southern states will not be 
individually benefited, but tlieir rights and privileges, as 
a ivJwle, will receive an additional support. The northern 
states, on the contrary, will receive no such addition ; 
but they are far from standing in need of it, and will be 
satisfied with the pecuniary advantages, which they must 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 415 

assuredly derive from so large an accession to their 
markets. 

Nor will Texas be exclusively peopled by southerners. 
No sooner will the independence of Texas be acknowl- 
edged, and the state itself be admitted into the Union, 
than thousands of the most active and enterprising popu- 
lation of the north, and especially New Englanders, will 
proceed thither in quest of happiness and fortune. Texas 
will not represent the prejudices of a particular section, 
but the intelligence and industry of every part of the 
United States. It will derive its capital from the north ; 
but it must, in time, benefit every section of the country; 
though its geographical position must render it an ap- 
pendage to the southern and western states. In less 
than ten years, lines of communication will be established, 
from the centre of the province to all the large commer- 
cial emporiums of the United States; and a journey from 
New York to Texas will be accomplished with more ease, 
than, twenty years ago, a trip from Washington to Boston. 
Every state will have a portion of its capital invested in 
Texas, and be united to it by ties of consanguinity and 
friendship. The Texians will, in every respect, be situ- 
ated like the inhabitants of any other state in the Union ; 
but their position to Mexico will in all probability re- 
main hostile. It is difficult to foretell to what extent the 
contempt for the Spanish race, and the rapid augmenta- 
tion of their own strength, will finally lead the Americans; 
but in a further contest with Mexico the victory cannot 
be doubtful. The Mexicans bear to the United States 
very nearly the same relation as the American Indians: 
there is scarcely more union and discipline amongst 
them, though considerably less energy and bravery. 

The Mexicans, it is highly probable, will have to pay 
the penalty of their inertness, and in course of time be- 
come subject to their more industrious and enterprising 
neighbors. The whole number of pure Spaniards in 
Meoico does not amount to one million, which, in less 
than ten years, will scarcely be a power sufficient to with- 
stand the encroachments of the western settlers alone. 
Opposed to the United States, Mexico is but a power of 
the second or third rank, incapable of improving the ad- 
vantages of its position, and too much divided in itself^ 



416 SOUTH AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES. 

ever to oppose an energetic force to a continental enemy. 
The incalculable resources of the Mexican soil, its fine 
climate, its inexhaustible mines, and the superiority of its 
geographical position, with excellent ports on the Pacific, 
will hold out sufficient temptations to the Americans, to 
venture fresh settlements on its territory, or to embroil 
the two nations in war ; until, finally, the United States 
will extend from the river St. Lawrence to the isthmus 
of Panamas; aud from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. 

Neither will the progress of the Americans be arrested 
there. If they remain united, and the South American 
states do not increase in power, but, on the contrary, be- 
come more and more enfeebled by internal divisions and 
the growing oppositions of the Indians, the latter must, 
directly or indirectly, be brought to acknowledge the 
superiority of the United States. Already is the Ameri- 
can influence on those countries an object of jealousy 
with its impotent patriots ; but the commencement being 
once made with Mexico, the conquest of all the remaining 
American states, and the final occupation of the whole 
continent by the Anglo-Saxon race, would be compara- 
tively easy. Mexico is the only one of those states which 
has a sufficient land force to resist an enemy. 

The settlements of the Portuguese in Brazil, and 
those of the Spaniards in Buenos Ayres, never extended 
into the interior of the country ; with whose wealth, re- 
sources, and facilities of navigation they are far less 
acquainted than the people of the United States. Their 
whole power is confined to the sea-coast, defended by a 
few frigates and minor ships of war, which, in the Eng- 
lish or American navy, would scarcely be pronounced 
sea-worthy, and commanded, for the most part, in a man- 
ner equal to the fittinir-out of the vessels. The whole 
white population of Brazil does not, probably, surpass 
five or six luuidred thousand ; the rest are persons of 
color and Europeans. These, even at the present mo- 
ment, could not oppose the execution of any ambitious 
design on the part of the United States, which could only 
be checked by an active interference of the European 
powers. The fate of these states depends chiefly on the 
assistance of England ; without which they may, at any 
time, become annexed to the United States, or reduced to 



ADVANTAGE OF POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES 417 

American colonies. Neither does there appear to be 
any other prospect for the tranquillity and welfare of 
those countries, than their being annexed to the United 
States. Florida and Louisiana have in this manner be- 
come wealthy; Texas will soon follow their example; 
Mexico itself will not be able to avoid its fate ; and should 
we hope for the independence of the minor states ? 

One step towards the final subjection of the whole 
American continent, was made by the people of the 
Spanish provinces themselves, in adopting the constitu- 
tion of the United States, or some similar fundamental 
law, which they will never be able fully to carry into 
execution, until they shall have mixed with the American 
race, and acquired its customs and manners. By this 
means Louisiana has become reformed, and is now es- 
sentially an American state. We may even without 
great stretch of imagination suppose the case in which 
the South American republics themselves may seek the 
protection of the United States, and prefer being annex- 
ed to a powerful and free nation, to being exposed to the 
attacks of the Indians, and the cruelty and rapacity of 
their own military chieftains. The different powers of 
Europe always quarrelled for the possession of the South 
American continent. Brazil, especially with its diamond 
mines, excited their cupidity and jealousy ; why should 
not the descendants of those powers conclude the strife, 
by uniting under one and the same government? When 
the United States shall have risen to that political emi- 
nence, which will enable them to make war and dictate 
peace, the powers of Europe may themselves be at war 
with each other, and be obliged to submit to such an un- 
expected aggrandisement. 

The United States hold a position, with regard to 
America, somewhat similar to that which England occu- 
pies in reference to Europe. They are the first and 
only maritime nation of the new world ; but, at the same 
time, join to it the advantages of a huge continental 
power, occupying nearly one third of the whole continent. 
They are, therefore, with regard to America, what 
France and England, joined, would be in opposition to 
the rest of Europe; only that their antagonists are less 
intelligent, less numerous, and by far less martially in- 



418 GOVERNMENT OF 

clined than the northern powers of Europe. The only 
line of communication between the large settlements on 
the coast of Brazil is by sea ; without which the whole 
country would not have a single point cVapinii. But the 
navy of the United Slates is alone more numerous than 
the whole naval force of the South American and Mexican 
states ; and the private citizens — especially the western 
hunters — are better soldiers than the most experienced 
Brazilian troops of the line. The whole remainder of 
the Americaji continent does not possess such naval ad- 
vantages as the United States. Three fourths of all the 
navigation of South America are already absorbed by 
United States' vessels ; and, under these circumstances, 
it is not probable that any of these provinces will ever 
become a strong maritime power. The fate of the South 
American republics depends on the mercy of the United 
States; and unless they succeed in establishing regular 
governments, they may have to implore their assistance 
to be saved from inevitable destruction. 

And is it not for the interest of the human race, that 
those beautiful countries should be settled and governed 
by a ditierent people from those who are now vegetating 
in them, without advancing one step in any of the useful 
arts and sciences? Is it not desirable that tlie interior of 
the South American continent should be explored, and 
its treasures employed in ameliorating the condition of 
the human family ? Are the luxuriant and heallliy prov- 
inces of Brazil, and the valley of the La Plata never to 
yield their produce to civilised nations ; and are industry 
and commerce to be forever banished from one half of 
the American continent ? The nations who are now in- 
habiting those climes are scarcely capable of keeping 
possession of the little territory their European ancestors 
have conquered, and are daily degenerating in habits and 
principles. Their governments are insufficient to protect 
either life or property; and they are equally destitute of 
the means of improving them. Their finances are in the 
most miserable condition, and their credit entirely an- 
nihilated. The number of inhabitants, too, is far from 
increasing in a ratio similar to that of the United States ; 
and their most active citizens are Indians and Mulattos. 
I do not wish to overcharge this picture : those who are 



SOUTH AMERICA. 419 

acquainted with the situation and government of South 
America will readily admit the truth of my statement, to 
whicli I would only add that the condition of the Spanish 
and Portuguese settlements are best described, by calling 
them exactly the reverse of the peace and prosperity of 
the United States. Mexico was the only power which 
could have opposed the progress of America. After her 
humiliation and dismemberment, the United States will 
be left without a rival. They may now blockade the 
whole American continent, as England did Europe in the 
war against Napoleon ; and the settlements being confined 
to the coast, reduce them with little opposition. 

If Europe should ever become jealous of America, it 
would not be of her physical force, but of the moral 
energy which her citizens are wont to develope, wherever 
they form settlements. It is not so much the possession 
of Mexico, but wliat the Americans would make of it, in 
the course of fifty years, which would cause fears and 
apprehensions in Europe. When America shall once be 
firmly established between two oceans, commanding the 
Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific ocean, she will occupy 
the centre of the world; while Europe will act as from a 
corner. The historical theatre will be changed, and the 
centre of civilisation removed to the valley of the Missis- 
sippi. 

The centre of America is giving birth to a new race of 
beings, more powerful and athletic than the inhabitants 
of the eastern coast, and more reckless of dangers than 
any which the world has seen. Love of liberty and ad- 
venture are their strongest passions, and they combine the 
intelligence of Europeans, with the pliysical advantages 
of savages. They must eventually penetrate to the bor- 
ders of the Pacific, where a new life must spring up, 
different from that which the reflection of European 
civilisation has created on the shores of the Atlantic, and 
still more congenial with the most enlarged principle of 
freedom. The coast of the Pacific ocean enjoys a better 
and healthier climate than that of the eastern states, and 
is, perhaps, equally fertile. A thousand new sources of 
wealth will at once be opened to those settlers ; and their 
adventurous spirit will soon make the ocean its scene of 
action. 



420 WARLIKE CHARACTER 

From the western coast of America incursions may be 
made on the whole Indian archipelago, and on the coast 
of Asia itself. If America should ever become a con- 
quering nation, the wealth of India would be more tempt- 
ing than that of Europe, and equally near at hand. Who 
knows but what tliis hardy race of " half horse and half 
alligator" may renew tlie adventures of the Argonauts, 
but change the scene from Colchis to Japan and China? 
We have known a handful of Normans conquer all Italy 
and tlie most valuable part of France ; why should not a 
nation like the Americans, eminently skilful and daring 
at sea, and possessed of the courage and energy of those 
western settlers, be able to make an impression on the 
civilised barbarians who inhabit the eastern extremities 
of Asia? At present, the idea is too distant to excite the 
least apprehensions, and it may perhaps be considered 
preposterous; but then no people ever had such a passion 
for emigration and expansion ; and it is therefore not to 
be supposed that the sea will arrest their progress. Like 
every other commercial nation, the Americans will have 
their colonies, and revive the history of England in the 
new world. When the continent shall be settled, they 
will conquer and subdue the nearest islands, to which 
their naval genius will invite them; and, having succeeded 
in that, they may venture themselves on the neighboring 
continent. 

As far as our knowledge of history extends, the inhabit- 
ants of our globe have, with but very iew exceptions, 
travelled westward. It is even probable, and has lately 
been maintained by a number of writers, that Asia re- 
ceived its first population from the western shores of 
America. Now, why should the most enterprising nation 
on earth — the Anglo-Americans — arrest this genera] mo- 
tion of the human race, and confine tliemselves to their 
own borders ? And this, at an age where distances are 
annihilated by steam, and the terrors of the ocean dis- 
armed by the skill of the mariner ? The modern essence 
of European and American civilisation is motion, ccmmu- 
nicated by inspiring life into the masses. That of the 
Asiatics consists in a quiet contemplation of the past, and 
a calm resignation to the future. The civilisation and 
power of the Americans, when they shall have arrived on 



OF THE WESTERN SETTLERS. 421 

the- shores of the Pacific, will have acquired a fearful 
momentum, to which the nations of the East will have 
nothing to oppose but inert masses. 

Europe has nothing to apprehend from the Americans. 
Their march is westward ; and they will, in their course, 
sooner reach China, than, by a retrograde motion, the 
land of their own sires. With regard to the powers of 
Europe, the United States will, for a longtime yet, act on 
the defensive; but westward they will expand, and as- 
sume the air of dictators. Besides, Europe will have 
little to tempt the Americans, their own country being 
richer and more fertile, and their commercial interests 
opposed to a maritime war. But the East will hold out 
different allurements, and greater probabilities of con- 
quest. The Americans may proceed to the very coast of 
China, and prevail by superior intelligence. A small 
naval force would be sufficient to reduce the islands, and 
the population of these might furnish the warriors for the 
continent. 

As long as the Americans shall follow their favorite 
inclination of proceeding westward— as long as their coun- 
try shall afford scope for industry and enterprise— as long 
as they shall be able to discover new sources of wealth 
and employment, either within or without their country, 
they will preserve the Union, which protects most effectu- 
ally their own interests, and is the only means of their 
arriving at greatness and power. The United States are 
yet in their infancy; and it would be an anomaly in 
history, to see a young and healthful nation perish, before 
it has reached the climax of its power. 

England must always be a natural ally of America, 
both nations being of the same origin, and the institutions 
and genius of the one, being the elements of greatness in 
the other. Whatever prejudices there may yet exist be- 
tween them, must yield to the soothing influence of time : 
the injuries will be forgotten, the lasting benefits remem- 
bered, and the people of both countries — who never were 
opposed to each other — will look upon each other as 
children of one and the same family. Why should it be 
otherwise 1 Why should political and geographical limits 
separate two nations so intimately linked to each other 
by consanguinity, language, customs, manners, and laws 1 
36 



422 ENGLAND AND AMERICA. 

Is not every new settlement in America an offspring of 
British genius ? And are the British not invited to enjoy 
and partake of its benefits 1 Are the British excluded 
from America? Does British capital not find its way to 
the far west? And are the inhabitants of the American 
wilderness not consumers of British manufactures 1 Does 
the expanding greatness of America not re-act favorably 
on England 1 Is not every new village in America a 
new market for British productions 1 

An Englishman may travel all over Europe and Asia, 
and be a stranger in every country ; but if he proceed to 
the west, he will recognise a whole world as his home. 
If he enter a private dwelling, he will behold the same 
domestic fireside ; in the streets the hum of business will 
be English ; at the halls of justice, he will hear the judges 
expound the laws of his country ; at the theatres, English 
actors will perform English plays ; and on the Sabbath, 
the sanctified stillness of the day will again be a picture 
of England. What, then, is America, but England, re- 
flected in huge proportions, from a spherical mirror ? 
What is England, but the vastness of American genius, 
concentrated and condensed to a focus 1 

The English must see themselves perpetuated in 
America ; while America possesses in the mother coun- 
try a sage mentor, whose political and legislative experi- 
ence is still directing her progress. The only natural 
feeling between England and America is friendship; 
every other is barbarous, mean, unworthy of either nation, 
and destructive to the interests of both. Enmity between 
England and America cannot advantage either country. 
America, though separated from England, still lends to 
English influence throughout the world; England, though 
no longer ruling over America, is still her guide and in- 
structer ; and the historian, who shall write the future 
history of America, will find his data in England. 

The progress of America reflects but the glory of 
England ; all the power she acquires, extends the moral 
empire of England: every page of American history is a 
valuable supplement to that of England. It is the duty 
of the patriots of both countries, to support and uphold 
each other, to the utmost extent compatible with national 
justice; and it is a humiliating task, either for private 



CONCLUSION. 423 

individuals or public men, to make the foibles of the one 
the subject of ridicule in the other. 

The English and Americans are the only two nations 
which are really free, and their liberties are based on the 
same law. United, they are sufficient to withstand the 
world : why should they be envious of each other's great- 
ness ? 

There can be no more war between England and 
America; for it would be detrimental to the liberties of 
both, and interfere with their national advancement. 
The most formidable power of America need not excite 
apprehensions in England ; for it is travelling westward 
— receding from Europe — and may progress for cen- 
turies, before it can come in contact with the most remote 
part of the British empire. In the same manner may 
the power of England increase without exciting suspicions 
in America. England can never endanger the safety of 
the United States ; but her political and moral influence 
may serve as a bulwark to American institutions. 

It is a fortunate circumstance that the British sovereign 
should lately have been the mediator between France and 
America. It is the first act of royal favor extended to 
the Americans for many years, and will afford a proof of 
the disinterested attachment of England to the future 
welfare and prosperity of her daughter. It will serve to 
soothe the angry feelings, which British statesmen and 
British writers have often wantonly roused in their 
brethren beyond the Atlantic, and be hailed as the har- 
binger of peace and amity between the two greatest 
nations in the world. 

May that friendship never be interrupted ; and may the 
Americans and the English, instead of entertaining un- 
worthy prejudices, cherish that mutual affection to which 
they are invited by the ties of consanguinity, and the re- 
gard due to their mutual perfections. 



^^"rsiOl 




.^V , ^ c , 



^ '^^ ^'^^^-^ ax> ^- ^^' 









'^/. "^ ^ 8 i ^ 




.<^ „ 
















•"^r 







o"^ 













.^^ .^^' 






\^^ 

x^^' % 



1j 1 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011 291 490 



